
Class LZ. ^c\/ 



THE INVASION OF CANADA IN 1775 



INCLUDING THE 






DESCRIBING THE 



PERILS AND SUFFERINGS 



AKMY UNDER COLONEL BENEDICT ARNOLD, 



IN ITS MARCH 



THROUGH THE WILDERNESS TO QUEBEC 



With Notes and Appendix. 



By EDWIN MARTIN STONE 



PROVIDENCE; 

KNOWLES, ANTHONY & CO., PRINTERS. 

186 7. 






<^AR 3 J9I4 



PEEFACE. 




*HE JOURNAL of Captain Simeon Thayer makes no 
pretension to literary merit. It was written, doubtless, to 
keep fresh in the memory of the author the facts of his 
personal experience during his march through the wilder- 
ness to Quebec, as well as of his confinement while pris- 
oner of war, without expectation of its ever appearing in 
print. It is here reproduced as it stands in the original, 
without any change of capital letters or of orthography, 
and with only such added punctuation as was thought 
necessary to render clear the meaning of the text. For 
this reason a number of words will li3'Jrg)un(Hncorrectl^ spelled. The Intro- 
duction, Notes and Appendix, are*' the results of extensive research. The 
first is prefixed, and the latter are added, to give completeness to the story 
of one of the most daring and important military enterprises of the Revolu- 
tionary War. A Bibliography of the Journals published on the subject, so 
far as is known, and also a list of works which treat more or less fully upon 
the Invasion of Canada, is herewith annexed — the first that has ever 
been attempted — for the convenience of students of this portion of American 
history. Possibly some Journals of " Arnold's Expedition " have been pub- 
lished that have escaped attention, and it is by no means certain that the list 
of reference works is complete. Additions under either of these heads are 
earnestly solicited, and will be gratefully acknowledged. For facts and docu- 
ments communicated to the editor of the Journal, special thanks are ten- 
dered to Samuel G. Drake, Esq., of Boston ; Rev. Richard Eddy, Librarian 
Pennsylvania Historical Society; Hon. M. H. Taggart, State Treasurer, 
Pennsylvania ; Henry T, Drowne, Esq., New York ; George H. Moore, 
Esq., Librarian New York Historical Society ; Richard R. Ward, Esq., 
Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Charles J. Hoadly, Esq., Secretary Connecticut Histori- 
cal Society; John G. Metcalf, M. D., Mendon, Mass. ; Simon Henry Greene, 
Esq., River Point, R. L ; David King, M. D., Newport, R. I. ; William W. 
Burr, Stephen T. Olney, and Crawford Allen, Esqs., Providence, R. I. 

E. M. s. 
Providence, R. I., January 19, 1867. 



WORKS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF CANADA. 



Arnold's Journal. Colonel Benedict Arnold kept a Journal of his expedition. It waa 
left by him at "West Point, when he fled on hearing of the capture of Andre, and was 
found among his papers by Judge IMerpont EdAvards, of Connecticut , who was appointed 
to administer upon the goods and estate of Arnold, his treason making him dead in law. 
The Manuscript was in existence in 1835, though in rather a dilapidated state. The wri- 
ting was in the middle style between copy and running hand. Extracts from this Jour- 
nal were published in the appendix to the Life of Burr, by Samuel L. Knapp. 1835, 
beginning Sept. 27, and ending Oct. 30, 1775. They confirm the accuracy of the state- 
ments in Capt. Thayer's Journal, but throw no additional light upon the history of the 
expedition. 

McCoy's Journal. Judge Henry states that Sergeant William McCoy, of Captain Hen- 
dricks' company, while in confinement in Quebec, gave to Major Murphy, of the British 
Garrison, a correct copy of a Journal kept by himself through the wilderness. Whether 
it was carried to England, is not known. It probably was never published. Possibly it 
may be in existence. 

TRENcn Journals. John G. Shea, Esq., of New York, brought from Canada two Jour- 
nals in Manuscript, written respectively by French Notaries; one at Quebec, and the 
other at Three Rivers, "about the Invasion of the Bostonnais." The word Bostonnais 
was a designation intended to apply to nearly all New England. The word was found 
by George Gibbs in the Chinook Jargon in Oregon, and he could not account for it. The 
titles of the two French Journals, however, explain it. In Indian, Wastonronon: W 
being substituted for the B amongst the Indians. 

An Accurate and Interesting Account of the hardships and sufferings of that Band 
of Heroes, who traversed the Wilderness in the Campaign against Quebec, in 1775. By 
John Joseph Henry, Esq. Late President of the Second Judicial District of Pennsylva- 
nia. Lancaster: Printed by William Greer, 1812. pp. 225, small 12mo. 

Thb Same — Library Edition. Campaign against Quebec, | being | an accurate and 
interesting account | of the | Hardships and Sufferings | of that t Band op Heroes | 
who traversed the Wilderness | by the route of the Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers | to 
Quebec, in the year 1775. | By John Joseph Henry , Esq. | Late I'resident of the second 
Judicial District in Pennsylvania. | Revised edition, with corrections and alterations. | 
Watertown, N. Y. | Printed and Published by Knowlton & Rice, | 1844. | pp. 212, 16mo. 
[Sketch ot the Life of Arnold copied mainly from Sparks' Biography, at the end of the 
second edition in place of notes in the first edition.] 

Heth's Journal. Lieutenant [afterwards Colonel] William Heth, 2d, kept a Journal of 
Arnold's Expedition, which is referred to in Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. I., pp. 
53, 57, second edition. It is thought to have been published in Virginia. 

A Journal of the hardships and privations endured by the troops in this expedition was 
kept by Caleb Haskell, of Newburyport, Mass., a private in Capt. Ward's company, but 
was never published. 

Letters of Colonel, generally known as Major Henry Caldwell, written on board the 
Hunter, British armed vessel, relate particularly to the attack on Quebec. 



WORKS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF CANADA. V. 

A JouRTfAL OF THE EXPEDITION TO QuKBEC, iti the year 1775, under the command of 
Colonel Benedict Arnold. By James Melvin, a private in Captain Dearborn's company. 
New York : 1857. With Introductory Remarks and Notes by W. J. D. Large 8vo, tinted 
paper: pp.30. 100 copies only printed. 

This Journal commences at Cambridge, Sept. 13, 1775, and terminates at Quebec, Aug. 
5, 1776. It was edited by William J. Davis, Esq., late private Secretary of Hon, George 
Bancroft. Of the author nothing is known beyond the statement made in the title page. 
W. J. D. says, "The style of the composition, and exceedingly neat penmanship of the 
Journal, is strong evidence, however, that he possessed, for the times, considerable edu- 
cation." The Journal, as a contribution to the history of Arnold's Expedition, is of great 
value. 

The Same, with Introduction and copious Notes, printed for the Franklin Club, Philadel- 
phia, 1864. 100 copies 8vo. ; 20 quarto. 

Journal of the Expedition against Quebec , under command of Colonel Benedict 
Arnold, in the year 1775, by Major Return J. 3Ieigs, with Introduction and Notes by 
Charles J. Bushnell. New York: Privately printed, 1864. 8vo. fine tinted paper, with 
portrait of Colonel Christopher Greene, pp. 57. 

This Journal begins Sept. 9, at Roxbury, and closes at Quebec, January 1, 1776. The 
Notes are full and valuable. The Journal was printed in the Mat^sachusetts Historical 
Collections, Second Series, Vol. II. 

Manuscripts relating to the Early History of Canada. Published under the 
auspices of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. Quebec: Printed by Middle- 
town and Davis, Shaw's Building, 1866. 

The Journal of Isaac Senter, Physician and Surgeon to the troops detached from the 
American Army encamped at Cambridge, Mass. , on a Secret Expedition against Quebec, 
under the command of Colonel Benedict Arnold, in September, 1775. Philadelphia: 
Published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1846. To this edition is prefixed a 
brief notice of the Manuscript of the Journal and a biographical preface. A few notes 
of reference are added. 

This Journal was carried to Philadelphia, where it was lost sight of for many years, 
and finally came into the hands of Dr. Lewis Itoper, of that city, wliose perception of its 
importance induced him to communicate it to the I'ennsylvania Historical Society. It 
commences at Cambridge, September 13th, 1775, and closes at Quebec, January 6, 1776. 
The position of Dr. Senter in the Expedition imparts to it a special value. 

Journal op Captain Simeon Thayer, describing the perils and sufferings endured by 
Arnold's detachment in their march through the Wilderness of Maine and Canada to 
Quebec in 1775. Now first printed. 

Captain John Topham's Journal of the Expedition to Quebec, through the Wilderness 
of Maine, in September, October and November, 1775- Not published. 

The first part of this Journ'al has been unfortunately lost by being worn off by use and 
careless handling. It commences sometime before the 20th September, but in its present 
dilapidated state, the legible part begins October 6, 1775. The last part is gone, and the 
manuscript ends at a time while Captain Topham was still a prisoner at Quebec. The 
Journal is in the possession of David King, M. D., of Newport, R. I. 

A Journal op a March prom Cambridge on an Expedition against Quebec, in Col. 
Benedict Arnold's Detachment, Sept, 13, 1775. Kept by Joseph Ware, of Needham, Mass. 
Published in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. VI., 1852, with 
Notes by Justin Winsor, of Boston. 

The author was a private in Captain Samuel Ward's company. The Journal is one of 
the most valuable that have been printed. 

Arnold's History of Rhode Island, Vol. II. 
Allen's Biographical Dictionary. 
Annual Register, London, 1776. 
Amwell's History. 
American Archives, 5th Series. 
Bosworth's History of Montreal. 



Vi. WORKS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF CANADA 

Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VHI 
Jiotta s American Revolution 

Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol I 

Connecticut State Papers— War. 

Dunlap's History of New York Vol. II 

Davis's Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Vol I 

Gordon's American Revolution, Vols'. landH 

Hawkins' Picture of Quebec. 

Holt's Paper, New York, 

Historical and Genealogical Register, Boston 

Ivnapp's Life of Aaron Burr 

Life of Ethan Allen, or "Allen's Narrative " 

i^iie of Richard Montgomery. 

Life of Benedict Arnold. 

Life of General Daniel Morgan. 

Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed 

Life and 'Hmes of Gen. John Lamb, by Isaac Q Leake 

Lossiug's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol I 

Maine Historical Society's Collections, Vol I * 

Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections", 2d Series 

Madame DeReidesel's Journal. " ^series. 

Marshall's Life of Washington. 

Parton's Life of Aaron Burr. 

Peterson's History of Rhode Island 

Providence Gazette and Country Journal, 1776 

I aimer's History of Lake Champlain. 

Remembrancer. 

Rogers' Biographical Dictionary 

rrumbull s Reminiscences of his own Times. 

I hatcher's Military Journal. 

Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, 

Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I. 

Warren's History of the American Revolution. 




I 



ADDENDA TO WORKS ON THE INVASION OF CANADA, 



Dearborn's Journal. It is understood that Captain Henry Dearborn kept a Journ 
of his march through the wilderness, and of his experiences while a prisoner at Quebec 
but it is not known to have been printed. 

History of Canada, by Andrew Bell, 2 vols. 

Hollister's History of Connecticut. 

Irving's Life of Washington contains several chapters relating to the Invasion of Can- 
ada, and some references. 

Journals of Congress. The Journals of the Proceedings of the Continental Con- 
gress, in 1776, contain interesting facts relating to the Invasion of Canada. The volumes 
for 1775 and 1776 should not be overlooked by the historical student. 

Journal of Madame De Keidesel, translated by William L. Stone. This new trans- 
lation gives the portions of the Journal hitherto suppressed, touching American Slavery. 

Journal, (MS.) kept at Three Rivers in 1775—6, by M. Badeux, a Royalist Notary. 

Journal kept during the seige of Fort St. John, by one of its defenders, (M. Antoine 
Foucher.) 

Journal, (MS.) of Sanguinet, a Montreal Barrister. 

Two of the above Journals have already been referred to p. iv, under the head of 
"French Journals," 

Memoires db Sanguinet. (MS.) 

Morgan's Sketches of celebrated Canadians. 

Peiroe's Journal. Of this Journal and its author, Charles Congdon, Esq., Treasurer 
of the Bradford Club,* in New York, has kindly communicated the following particulars: 
It is a closely written manuscript, containing the daily occurrences from September 8th, 
1775, to January 16th, 1776. The first leaf, and several leaves at the end, are unfortunately 
wanting. The author, John Peirce, was of Worcester, Mass. He belonged to the contin- 
gent, and as Engineer and Surveyor was attached to one of the parties mentioned by 
Meigs and Henry, as being sent forward from Fort Western to establish the bearings of 
the route through the wilderness. This Journal, it is believed, has not hitherto been 
known to any of our historians, 

Sedgwick's History of Sharon. 

Statement op the Expedition to Canada, &c. By Lieut. Gen, Burgoyne. Six 
maps. Quarto, untrimmed, boards, 1780. Octavo, bound, second edition, 1780. 



Acknowledgments. In the acknowledgments of courtesies, the names of A. W Green, 
Esq., Librarian of the New York Mercantile Library Association, and of Francis Lawton, 
Esq., Newport, R. I., should have been included. 

Errata. Preface. The residence of Richard R. Ward, Esq., is New York. The middle 
initial in Mr. Bushnell's name should be I. 



*The publications of the Bradford Club have reached six in number, the first beinff 
^'Hatfield and Deerfield," and all in the highest style of art. One hundred copies oiilv of 
Melvin's Journal were printed for the Club. 



INTEODUCTION 




INVASION OF CANADA. 



JpHEN, early in 1775, a breach with the Mother Country seemed 
inevitable, ar,d far-sighted men lil^e the Adamses, Samuel 
Ward and Patrick Henry, perceived in the events of the 
hour the embryo of an Independent Nation, the leaders of 
popular rights cast about for help to strengthen their plans 
when they should be developed in positive action. They nat- 
urally looked to Canada as an important northern barrier. 
The interests of the French population were thought to be iden- 
tical with those of the Colonies, and there was reason for the 
belief that in a general uprising their support would readily 
be given. Should Canada be invaded by a provincial army, 
and St. John's, Montreal and Quebec secured by conquest, 
nothing would be in the way of the people there throwing off the British yoke. 

With some, however, the invasion of Canada was not a favorite scheme. They 
had not gone so far yet as to decide affirmatively upon the question of National 
Independence, and when the first Congress met, many were decided on a further 
attempt to reconcile the existing difficulties, by a petition to the King. 

"Whatever might have been the contingent purpose of Congress in reference to 
Canada, a disclaimer of an intended invasion was deemed, under the circumstances, 
expedient; and accordingly on the 1st of June, such a disclaimer was made. But a 
violent proclamation issued by the British Governor, denouncing the border inhab- 
itants of the Colonies as traitors, and inciting the Indians against New York and 
New England, changed the current of opinion in the Congress, and led to the 
avowal of an aggressive purpose. In July, preliminarv to a movement of this 
character, Major John Brown, accompanied by four men, visited Canada for the 
purpose of obtaining intelligence in regard to the military preparations making 
there by the King's troops, the situation of St. John's, Chambly, Montreal and 
Quebec, and also to ascertain the feelings of the Canadians towards the Colonial 
cause. They found them favorably affected, were kindly received by the French, 
were often protected when exposed to danger, and were assured it was their wish 
to see a Continental army in Canada; engaging, if it came, to supply it with every- 
thing in their power. The Indians also expressed a determination to act with the 
Canadians. At this time there were but about seven hundred of the King's troops 
in Canada, of which near three hundred were at St. John's and only about fifty at 
Quebec. The residue were at Montreal, Chambly, and at the upper posts. Every 
thing seemed favorable for the contemplated invasion. Major Brown and his party 



Vlll. INTRODUCTION. 

remained in Canada but thi-ee days, and after several hair-breadth escapes reached 
Crown Point August 10th, in safety. 

Events had now ripened for action. Colonel Ethan Allen had tiiken possession 
of Ticonderoga, " In the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress." 
Crown Point had surrendered to the Provincial forces, two British vessels had 
been taken, which gave to the Americans the control of Lake Champlain, and thus 
" the gates of Canada were thrown open," inviting an unresisting entrance. Noth- 
insr now remained but to improve the opportunity by pus-hing forward. For this 
work of invasion, Generals Schuyler and Montgomery were designated, who at once 
begun an advance from Ticonderoga. On reaching IsIe-aux-Noix, Colonel Allen 
was sent forward with Major Brown, accompanied by interpreters, into Canada, 
with letters to the Canadians, to let them know that the design of the array was 
only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties, or their 
religion. This undertaking, though attended with much danger, was successfully 
accomplished. But befbi-e the army was ready to leave the Isle-aux-Noix, General 
Schuyler was taken sick and returned to Albany, leaving the command with Gene- 
ral Montgomery. He subsequently returned, with the hope of being able to move 
with the army, but his disorder (a bilious fever) reappearing with increased vio- 
lence, he was obliged, reluctantly, to withdraw from personal participation in the 
enterprise. General Schuyler had entered heartily into the scheme of getting pos- 
session of Canada, and s^ecuring it to the cause of National Freedom, and felt deeply 
chagrined in not being able to lead his troops forward. Writing to Washington on 
the subject, he says : 

" The vexation of spirit under v/hich I labor, that a barbarous complication of 
disorders should prevent me from reaping those laurels for which I have unwear- 
iedly wrought, since I was honored with this command; the anxiety I have suflfered 
since my arrival here, lest the army should starve, occasioned by a scandalous want 
of subordination and inattention to my orders, in some of the officers I left to com- 
mand at the different posts; the vast variety of disagreeable and vexatious inci- 
dents, that almost every hour arise in some department or other, — not only retard 
my cure, but have put me considerably back for some days past. If Job had been 
a General in my situation, his memory had not been so famous for patience. But 
the glorious end we have in view, and which I have confident hope will be attained, 
will atone for all."* 

The army at Isle-aux-Noix, on the lOth of September, consisted of 1394 rank and 
file. These were reenforced by Colonel Livingston's company of New Yorkers, 170 
Green Mountain Boys under Colonel Seth Warner, Captain Allen's company of the 
same corps raised in Connecticut, about 100 men of Colonel Bedel's from New 
Hampshire, and a company of artillery under Captain Lamb; the whole probably 
not exceeding 1800 men. Up to September 26th, 726 men were found to be unfit for 
further service during this campaign, and were discharged. 

On the 5th of September, the army embarked at the Isle-aux-Noix for St. John's, 
which was at once besieged, and on the 3d of November was taken possession of 
by the victorious Continentals. On the 13th of the same month Montreal surren- 
dered. Quebect was the next object of possession, for without that the subjugation 

*Gen. Schuyler's letter to Washington. 
tQuebec was founded on the 3d of July, 1608, by Captain Samuel de Champlain, Geog- 
rapher to the French King. His commencement was on Cape Diamond, on the site of an 
Indian village called Studacone. Champlain died in Quebec, and according to tradition 
was buried in the upper town. This, it appears, was a mistake. Recently, the original 
grave was discovered in the lower town, there having been one or two removals. About 
ten years ago the bones were placed in a box, but where deposited is not at this time (Dec, 
1866,) known. 



INTRODUCTION. IX. 

or eWverance of Canada was impossible. To aid the invading army under Mont- 
gomery in the attempt upon that city, a coriperative expedition by the way of the 
Kennebec river through the wilderness of Maine and Canada, to form a junction 
before Quebec, was devised, and the command given to Colonel Benedict Arnold. 
He was well adapted to such an undertaking. He was a brave, skillful and ener- 
getic officer; was inured to the hardships of military life; was sufficiently ambitious 
to insure vigorous activity to all his movements, and having previous to the war, 
visited Quebec as a trader, he had formed an acquaintance with many of its citi- 
zens, and acquired a knowledge of its localities that could be turned, to advantage 
in his military operations . 

The followintr were officers in this expedition : 

Colonel. Benedict Arnold,* Norwich, Conn. 

Lieut. Colonels. Christopher Greene, Warwick, R. I.; Roger Ends, Conn, 

Majors. Return J. Meigs, Middlctown, Conn.; Timothy Bigelow, Worces- 
ter, Mass. 

Lieutenant and Adjutant. Christian Febigir, Copenhagen, Denmark. Quar- 
termaster. Hyde, Mass. Chaplain. Rev. Samuel Spring, Newburj^port, 

Mass. Surgeon Isaac Sentbr. Newport, R. I. Surgeon's Mate. Greene. 

Captains. Simeon Thayer, Providence, R. I.; Samuel Ward, Westerly, R. I.; 
John ToPHAM, Newport, R. I,; William Goodrich, Great Barrington, Mass. ; 

Jonas Hubbard, Worcester, Mass.; Williams. Mass.; Scott, Mass.; 

Oliver Hanchet, Suffield, Conn.; Eleazer Oswald, New Haven, Conn. ; Wil- 
liam Hekdkicks, Ponn.; Matthew Smith, Lancaster, Penn.; Henry Dear- 
born, East Nottingham, N. H.; Daniel Morgan, Frederick Co., Va.; Mc- 

CoBB, Geo -getown. Brigade Major. Matthias Ogden, and Aaron Burr, vol- 
unteer, N. J. 

Lieutenants. Archibald Sperle, (Adjutant) Lancaster, Penn.; Michael 
[George?] Simpson, Penn.; Francis Nichols, Cumberland Co., Penn.; Andrew 
Moody; John Humphreys, Va.; William Heth, 2d, Frederick Co. Va.; Peter 
O'Brien Bruen, Frederick Co., Va.; Samuel Cooper, Conn.; Abijah Savage, 
(Quartermaster) Middletown, Conn.; Joseph Webb, Newport, R. I.; Edward 
Slocum, Tiverton, R. L; Wii,liam Humphrey, Providence, R, I ; Lemuel Bai- 
ley, Providence, R. L ; Sylvanus Shaw, Newport, R. I.; John Compston, Saco, 
(Dist. Maine) Mass.; John Clark, Hadley, Mass.; Samuel Brown, Acton, Mass.; 
James Tisdale, Medfield, Mass.; Cumstock, Mass. ; Ammi [Amos?J An- 
drews, Hillsborough, N. H.; Nathaniel Hutchins, Dunbarton, N. H.. after- 
wards Captain; Joseph Thomas, Deerfield, N. H., fell in the action at Quebec; 

McCleland, Penn., died in the wilderness; Church; Benjamin 

Catlin, (Quartermaster) Weathersfield, Conn.f 

It will be seen by the foregoing list that Rhode Island was ably represented in 
this Expedition. Lieutenant Colonel Greene proved, both in the wilderness and 
before Quebec, that the judgment which selected him for that trying and perilous 
service had not been mistaken. He subsequently served with distinction as a Colo- 
nel in the Continental line, and at Red Bank crowned his name with imperishable 

*Colonel Benedict Arnold was born in Norwich, Conn., January 3d, 1741, and conse- 
quently was thirty-four years of age when he entered upon this command. He was an able 
and intrepid ofBcer. but unfortunately the victim of a low moral sense. His career as a 
General in the Continental army is too familiar to require particular notice. A life bril- 
liant in promise, closed in ignominy. He died in London, June 14th, 1801, aged 60 years. 
See Life of Arnold in Spark's Biography. 

tThis list has been collected from various authentic sources. It is probably incomplete. 
B 



X. INTRODUCTION. 

honor. Captain Topliam was esteemed a valuable officer, and succeeded Colonel 
Barton in the command of a Rhode Island regiment. Captain Ward showed great 
energy of character and undoubted patriotism. He was promoted to be Msjor, and 
at Red Bank, and afterwards to the close of the war, met promptly and satisfacto- 
rily, the demands made upon his military abilities. Captain Tliayer, who W8s 
honored after his release from imprisonment, with the rank of Major, is identified 
with one of the most brilliant battles of the Revolutionary war. Dr. Senter, who 
served so usefully in this Expedition, took position after leaving the army, as a 
leading physician and surgeon in the State. The under officers and privates com- 
posing Arnold's command were for the most part taken from among the yeomanry, 
and were men Avho comprehended the nature of the conflict to which they were 
committed. To them, the freedom of their country was dear, and to secure it they 
were ready to lay upon the altar their cherished personal comforts, and to abide the 
results of battle. Such men were likely to make good soldiers, and by their correct 
deportment to gain the commendation of general officers under whom they might 
be called to serve. And thus it proved with them. The eye of General Montgom- 
ery was quick to recognize their soldierly qualities. "I find," he said, "Colonel 
Arnold's corps an exceedingly fine one, inured to fatigue, and well accustomed to 
cannon shot (at Cambridge). There is a style of discipline among them much 
superior to what I have been used to see this campaign. He himself is active, intel- 
ligent and enterprising." 

General Washington had carefully studied the plan for acquiring possession of Can- 
ada and inducing the native population to join their fortunes with the Americans, 
in rising to the dignity of a Nationality. He had a keen perception of the impor- 
tance of this movement, and was solicitous that nothing should occur to mar its 
success. He foresaw the possibility of the invading army indulginc? in pillage on 
their march, or of committing other acts when established in the country that might 
convert friends into foes. To guard against this, he drew up a series of instructions, 
clear and explicit in their details, which were communicated to Colonel Arnold for 
the government of himself and his men. He was to exercise the utmost vigilance 
in guarding against surprisals. On arriving in Canada, he was to ascertain by 
every means in his power, the real sentiments of the inhabitants towards the Ameri- 
can cause, and to maintain the strictest discipline and good order among his own 
troops. He was to conciliate the affections both of the Canadians and of the 
Indians, and convince them that his army came among them as friends and " not 
as robbers." He was to pay the full value for all provisions and accommodations 
received, and abstain from pressing the people or any of their cattle into his service, 
while he was "amply to compensate" those who voluntarily assisted him. Only 
the "King's stores" were to be appropriated to the Continental use. In case of a 
union with General Schuyler, who it was then expected would lead the Invasion by 
way of St. John's and Montreal, Arnold was to serve under him, and not to consider 
himself "as upon a separate and independent command." He was to keep Wash- 
ington acquainted with his progress and prospects, and to send the intelligence of 
any important occurrence by express. He was to protect and support the free 
exercise of the reli^rion of the country, and the undisturbed enjoyment of the rit^hts 
of conscience in religious matters. If Lord Chatham's son should be in Canada, 
and in any way should fall into his power, he was to treat him with all possible 
deference and respect. " You cannot err," said the instructions, " in paying too 
much honor to the son of so illustrious a character, and so true a friend to America. 
Any other persons who may fall into your hands, yon will treat with as much 
humanity and kindness as may be consistent with your own safety and the public 
interest." 

The plan of reaching Quebec by the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers is said to 



INTRODUCTION. XI. 

have been original with Ai-nold, and to have been sugg:ested to him by the perusal of 
a Journal of an exploring expedition from Quebec into the interior of Maine, about 
the year 1760, written by Colonel Montroser, an officer of Engineers in the British 
service. 

The troops to accompany Colonel Arnold assembled at Cambridge, and on the 
13th of September commenced their march to Newburyport. Previous to leaving, 
General Washington, with increasing solicitude for the prosperity of the Expedition, 
addressed a letter to Colonel Arnold, again charging him, his officers and soldiers, 
to respect the persons, private property and religion of the people whose country 
they were soon to occupy, and to refrain from every act that might militate against 
personal honor or the success of the enterprise. An address to the inhabitants of 
Canada was also printed and forwarded to Arnold at Fort Western, to be distributed 
among the people on his arrival at Quebec, explaining the object of the invasion, 
assuring them of protection, inviting them to furnish supplies for the Provincial 
army, and urging them to make common cause in the overthrow of tyranny by 
joining " the standard of general liberty." 

Arnold's force consisted of thirteen companies, comprising 1100 men. These 
were divided into two battalions, the first commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Chris- 
topher Greene, and the second by Lieutenant Colonel Roger Enos. On the 19th of 
September they sailed in ten transports from Newburyport, the fleet being under 
the command of Captain Clarkson, and reached the Kennebec river the next day. 
On the 23d they arrived at Fort Western, where they remained a day or two, and 
then proceeded to Fort Halifax. From thence they advanced to Norridgewock, at 
which place they halted until the morning of October 9th, when a general move- 
ment commenced. 

The army set off in high spirits. A month, however, sufficed to cool the ardor of 
the less sanguine. Unthought of obstacles impeded their progress. The streams 
were rapid and hard to navigate; boats were dashed in pieces, and tlie hardy voya- 
gers barely escaped watery graves; the autumn storms were cold and piercing; 
encampments were flooded by overflowing rivers; swamps and morasses spread in 
the track of the advancing columns; little confidence was felt in the intelligence of 
guides who were leading them daily deeper into an almost unknown wilderness; 
provisions had become exhausted; roots, dog-meat, soup made of raw-hide mocca- 
sins, and entrails broiled on the coals, became luxuries; and death by starvation 
stared them in the face. It required nerves of steel to survey the prospect before 
them with calmness, much more with hope, and the question of return was often 
discussed. In the then crude state of military authority, the control held by officers 
over their men was more the result of personal regard than of deference to position. 
Every man had an opinion, and was free to express it. Among a portion of the 
troops the views of both officers and men coincided. Disaff'ection had extended to 
three companies, and it became advisable to hold a council of war for decisive 
measures. This took place October 2'jth, on reaching Dead River. 

Arnold, who was ignorant of the design afterwards put in execution, had gone 
on with the advance. At the council, Lieutenants Colonel Greene and Enos, Major 
Bigelow, Captains Topham, Thayer, Ward, Williams, McCobb, Scott, Adjutant 
Hyde and Lieutenant Peters were present. Major Meigs, Captains Morgan, Smith, 
Hanchet, Hubbard, Goodrich, Hendricks and Dearborn were absent on duty. It 
was now a moment of anxious interest. The decision of the hour would strengthen 
a patriotic resolve, or fill the country with painful disappointment. In accordance 
with military custom the opinions of the younger officers were first elicited. Cap- 
tain Ward, a youth of only eighteen years, was now called upon for his opinion. 
He expressed it frankly and decidedly. The idea of giving up the expedition was 
totally repugnant to his brave nature, and with a patriotism for which he was ever 



XU. INTRODUCTION. 

after distin<?uishcd, he gave his voice for advancing. There was power in that decis- 
ion, and one can readily imagine with what a look of approval it was recognized by 
the gallant Greene. Captains Thayer and Topham took the same side with no less 
promptness, as did Lieutenants Colonel Greene and Enos, and Major Bigelow. 
Captains Williams, McCobb and Scott, Adjutant Hyde and Lieutenant Peters, took 
an opposite view. They considered the f-ucces^ of the Expedition hopeless, and 
gave their voices for returning. The decision to advance was carried by a single 
vote; but the minority, immediately after the dissolution of the council, conferred 
together, and unanimously resolved to go back with their men. As the three dis- 
affected companies belonged to Lieutenant Colonel Enos' battalion, he decided, 
though as he said, reluctantly, and for reasons that he considered a justification of 
the step, to go back with them. This he accordingly did.* 

The withdrawal of so many men was a serious loss to Arnold, but did not in the 
least shake his determination to see Quebec. To facilitate the advance of the army, 
he had sent forward a party consisting of Lieutenant Archibald Steele, Jesse Wheel- 
er, John Joseph Henry, George Merchant, James Ciiffton, Robert Cunningham, 
Thomas Boyd, John Tidd, John McKonkey, Jeremiah Getchel and John Home, the 
two latter being guides, for the purpose of finding and marking the paths used by 
the Indians at the numerous carrying places in the wilderness, and also to ascertain 
the course of theChaudiere river. Provided with two birch bark canoes, they set 
out in high spirits, and travelled until October 8th, blazing trees and "snagging 
bushes" with thtir tomahawks, when they reached the height of land which divides 
the waters of New England from those of Canada. Another day brought them to 
the Chaudiere river, when they commenced their return. They continued their 
course until October 17th, when, to their great joy, they fell in with a party of pio- 
neers building a causeway for the passage of the army, having suffered excessively 
from hunger and exhaustion. 

Sickness, the concomitant of exposure, soon made its appearance among the 
troops. On the seventh day after leaving Norridgewock, fatigue, diairlioea and 
rheumatism had so multiplied the sick, as to render the erection of a building for 
their recepiion necessary. Accordingly a block house was built and named " Ar- 
nold's Hospiial," which was immediately filled. Among the patients was a young 
gentleman by the name of Irvin, an Ensign in Captain Morgan's company. He 
was a native of Pennsylvania, and had been educated for the medical profession. 
Early in the march from Cambridge, he was seized with dysentery, for which he 
could not be prevailed upon to take medicine. Wading in the water by day, and 
sleeping on the ground at night, brought on a violent rheumatism, which swelled 
the joints of his extremities to an enormous size, and rendered them inflexible. He 
was left at the hospital to be sent back with others. 

Weakened as the little army was by the defection of three companies, the courage 
and spirit of the remaining ten still held good. Scouting the idea of abandoning 
the Expedition, they continued their advance to the Chaudiere river, and thence to 
Sartigan, a Canadian settlement, where they arrived November 3d. Here, the next 
day. Colonel Arnold was waited upon by a body of savages accompanied by an 
interpreter, to inquire his reason for coming among them in a hostile manner. 
They addressed him in great pomp, and one of their chiefs delivered an oration 
with all the air and gesture of an accomplished orator. After this being explained 
or translated, the Colonel returned the following answer: 

" riiiKNDS AND Bkktheen:— I feel myself very happy in meeting with so many of my 
brethren from the ditferent quarters of the great country, and more so as I find we meet as 
friends, and that we are eiiually concerned iu this expedition. Brethren, we are the chil- 

*See Journal, pp. 10, 11. 



INTRODUCTION. Ill . 

dren of those people who have now taken up the hatchet against us. More than one hun- 
dred years ago, we were all as one family. We then differed in our religion, and came 
over to this great country by consent of the King. Our fathers bought land of the sava- 
ges, and have grown a great people. Even as the stars in the sky. We have planted the 
ground, and by our labor grow rich. Now a new King and his wicked great men want to 
take our lands and money without our consent. This we think unjust, and all our great 
men from the river St. ].,awrence to tlie Mississippi, met together at Philadelphia, where 
they all talked together, and sent a prayer to the King, that they would be brothers and 
fight for him, but would not give up their lands and money. The King would not hear 
our prayer, but sent a great army to Boston, and endeavored to set our brethren against 
us in Canada. The King's army at Boston came out into the fields and houses, killed a 
great many women and children, while they were peaceably at work. The Bostoniaus 
sent to their brethren in the country, and they came in unto their relief, and in six days 
raised an army of fifty thousand men, and drove the King's troops on board their ships, 
killed and wounded fifteen hundred of their men. Since that they durst not come out of 
Boston. Now we hear the French and Indians in Canada have sent to us, that the King's 
troops oppress them and make them pay a great price for their rum, &c. : press them to 
take up arms against the Bostonians, their brethren, who have done them no hurt. By the 
desire of the French and Indians, our brothers, we have come to their assistance, with an 
intent to drive out the King's soldiers ; when drove off we will return to our country, and 
leave this to the peaceable enjoyment of its proper inhabitants. Now if the Indians, our 
brethren, will join us, we will be very much obliged to them, and will give them one Por- 
tuguese per month, two dollars bounty, and find them their provisions, and they liberty to 
choose their own oflicers." 

This declaration had the desired effect. About fifty of them embodied according 
to agreement, took iheir canoes and proceeded.* 

Soon after the battle of Bunker Hill, Aaron Burr, accompanied by his friend Mat- 
thias Ogden, set out from Elizabethlown, N. J., for Cambridge, to ofter his services 
to the Colonial cause. Burr had now entered his twentieth year, and with an 
enihusiastic and adventurous nature, he gladly improved the opportunity to join 
Arnold, as a volunteer, in this expedition. The step was contrary to the wishes of 
his friends, one of whom followed him to Newburyport to induce him to reiurn. 
Entreaties proving unavailing, he was lurnished with a small sum of gold to meet 
necessary incidental expenses. He continued with Arnold, sharing in the priva- 
tions of his companions until the army reached Chaudiere Pond, when he was 
despatched with a verbal message to General Montgomery. Disguised as a young 
Catholic Priest, he proceeded on his journey, which was successfully accomplished. 
Pleased with the appearance of Burr, General Montgomery at once gave him a plaf-e 
in his military family. Upon the duties of his new position he enterered with char- 
acteristic vigor, and in the assault upon Quebec led a forlorn hope of furty men. 
He stood near Montgomery when he fell, but escaped being taken prisoner.! And 

*" From our last lodgings [Sartigan] hired a peasant, and proceeded down the river in a 
canoe five miles to a victualing house, or other place of rendezvous. This village, St. 
Josephs, made a further agreement, and continued down the river about four miles fur- 
ther, as we found nothing agreeable since our arrival, except one quart of New England 
rum, (if that was to be allowed so,) for which I j^aid one hard dollar. We were making 
enquiry at every likely stage; for this purpose visited an old peasant's house, where was a 
merry old woman at her loom, and two or three fine young girls. They were exceedingly 
rejoiced with our company. Bought some eggs, rum, sugar, sweetmeats, &c,, where we 
made ourselves very happy. Upon the old woman being acquainted from wlience we came, 
[she] immediately fell singing and dancing " Yankee Doodle " with the greatest air of 
good humour. After making the old woman satisfied for her kickshaws, saluted her for 
her civilities, &c., marched. The distance computed from the Chaudiere Lake to the 
inhabitants, one hundred miles. From thence to Quebec, ninety." — Senter's Journal. 

fColonel Trumbull, in his great national painting, represents Ceneral Montgomery as 
falling into Burr's arms. 



XIV. INTRODUCTION. 

thus was opened to an ambitious young man, resembling, in some qualities of char, 
acter, his commander Arnold, a career of \\'v^h promise, destined however, as the 
sequel proved, to an unhappy blight. Having achieved a distinguished military 
reputation, and after filling the position of Vice-President of the United States, he 
closed an eventful life with a cloud resting upon his name t 

Pressing forward in defiance of all untoward circumstances, Arnold and his devo- 
ted band, now reduced to about 550 effective men, reached Point Levi on the 8th 
November, crossed the St. Lawrence with the aid of thirty-five canoes on the 13th, 
and advancing to the Plains of Abraham, sat down in defiant attitude before Que- 
bec. Ou the 14ih, Arnold sent a flag with a letter to Lieut. Governor Cramah^, 
demanding the surrender of the city. The officer bearing the flag, on approaching 
the walls was fired upon, and narrowly escaped being killed. The officer retired 
from his perilous position. A second flag was sent, with a similar result. This 
method of refusing to receive a flag, so contrary to military usage, called forth an 
indignant letter from Arnold, in which he threatened the British commander with 
retaliation. On the 18th he inspected the condition of the arms and ammunition of 
his little army, and found that a great partof the cartridges weie unfit for service, 
leaving not more than five rounds for each man, while one hundred muskets, or 
about one-fifth of the whole, proved to be worthless for pres-ent use. In the mean 
time, he had ascertained that the garrison of the enemy had been augmented to 
about seven hundred men— and soon swelled to about nineteen hundred— a force 
too large to justify an immediate attempt to storm the city. It was deemed there- 
fore prudent to fall back to Point-aux-Trembles, and await ther arrival of General 
Montgomery'. This, after trying in vain to draw the enemy into the open field, was 
done, Nov. 19th. 

The work undertaken by General Montgomery was environed with no ordinary 
difficulties. He had not only to contend with the rigors of a Canadian winter, — 
with the small pox and other forms of disease which ravaged his camp and threat- 
ened more destruction than was to be apprehended from the enemy, but also to 
compose the dissentions that had sprung up among his officers, and to allay the 
spirit of disaffection they had spread among the men, which presaged ruin to the 
campaign. But he showed himself equal to the emergency, and under all these 
unpromising circumstances continued his advance from Montreal. On the 3d 
December he formed a junction with Arnold at Point-aux-Trembles and the next 
day the united forces appeared before Quebec. On the 6th General Montgomery 
sent a flag of truce to Governor Carleton, summoning a surrender. The flag he 
refused to receive, declaring that he would hold no parley with rebels. Batteries 
were established within striking distance of the walls, protected by breastworks of 
snow, converted into solid ice by pouring water upon it. But it was soon found 
that the metal thrown by the artillery was too light to breach the walls or do any 
essential damage inside.* Here the dissensions before mentioned again broke out, 
which necessitated a change in the original plan of attack. December 31st had been 
fixed upon for makmg an assault. Early in the morning of that day the army, now 
only eight hundred strong, began to move in two columns upon the Lower Town. 
The first, led by Montgomery, was to make an attack at Cape Diamond, while the 
second, under Arnold, was to attack through St. Roque. The assaults were made 
with great vigor, but with disaster to the American cause. General Montgomery 

tTo the Lives of Burr written by Davis, Knapp and Tarton, the reader is referred for 
details of an extraordinary man. 

*" I never expected any other advantage from our artillery than to amuse the enemy and 
blind them to my real intention."— Montgomery to General Wooster. 



INTRODUCTION. XV. 

early fell mortally wounded, while aiding in removing the pickets at Cape Dia- 
mond, for the ingress of his men. Arnold's command carried a two-gun battery, 
which the enemy bravely defended tor an hour. In this attack he was shot through 
the leg, and was compelled to i-etire from the field,* while his men pushed on to a 
second barrier, which they took, but not without severe loss. The enemy had the 
advantage of the ground in front, a vast superiority of numbers, and dry and better 
arms, which gave them an irresistible power in so narrow a space. Humphreys, 
upon a mound, which was speedily erected, attended by many brave men, attempt- 
ed to scale the barrier, but was compelled to retreat by the formidable phalanx of 
bayonets within, and the weight of fire from the platform and the adjacent build- 
ings, Morgan, brave to temerity, stormed and raged. Hendricks, Steele, Nichols 
and Humphrey, equally brave, were calm, though under a tremendous fire. Hen- 
dricks, when aiming his rifle, received a ball through his heart, and instantly 
expired. Humphrey, of Virginia, in like manner received a death wound. Lieut. 
Cooper, of Connecticut, was killed. Captain Lamb had a portion of his face carried 
away by a grape or canister shot. Lieut. Steele lost three of bis fingers as he was 
presenting his gun to fire. Captain Hubbard and Lieut. Tisdale were also among 
the wounded. t The battle raged fiercely for the space of four and a half hours, 
when a sudden sally of the enemy from the Palace gate upon their rear, forced the 
surrender of such of Arnold's men as could not effect an escape. Thus, in one brief 
half day, vanished the brilliant anticipations of the preceding three months. 

The number of killed, wounded, and taken prisoners in this battle has been vari- 
ously stated, and may not as )'et be definitely certain. Immediately after the fight, 
General Carleton reported the American loss in killed and wounded to be one hun- 
dred. Major Meigs estimated the loss at the same number. A school history fixes 
the killed at 160, and the prisoners at 426. Ware gives a list of names, and sums 
up results as follows: Killed, 48; wounded, 34; taken prisoners, 372; total, 454. This 
is more reliable than any statement that has previously been made. Yet this list 
may not include all of either class. Of the company with which Captain Thayer 
started from Cambridge, 22 were sent back from the wilderness sick, II were killed 
at Quebec, 27 including himself were taken prisoners, 3 deserted, 8 enlisted in the 
King's service, 3 entered on board a man-of-war, and 2 on board fishermen, leaving 
8 as escaped, or to be otherwise accounted for. Of Captain Morgan's company, less 
than twenty-five regained their native homes. *' Our loss and repulse," says Arnold, 
in a letter to Washington, "struck an amazing panic into both oflScers and men, 
and had the enemy improved their advantage, our affairs here must have been 

* " Daylight had scarce made its appearance, ere Colonel Arnold was brought in sup- 
ported by two soldiers, Avounded in the leg with a piece of a musket ball. The ball had 
probably come in contact with a cannon, rock, stone or the like, ere it entered the leg 
which had cleft off nigh a third. The other two-thirds entered the outer side of the log, 
about midway, and in an oblique course passed between the libia and fibula, lodged in the 
gastroennemea muscle at the rise of the tendon achilles, where upon examination I easily 
discovered and extracted it Before the Colonel was done with, Major Ogden came in 
wounded through the left shoulder, which proved only a fiesh wound. 

" We were momentarily expecting them [the enemy] out upon us, as we concluded 
Arnold's division, then under the command of Lieut. Col. Greene, were all killed, cap- 
tured, &c. Under these circumstances, we entreated Colonel Arnold for his own safety to 
be carried back into the country where they would not readily find him when out, but to 
no purpose. He would neither be removed nor suffer a man from the Hospital to retreat. 
He ordered his pistols loaded, with a sword on his bed, &c., adding that he was determined 
to kill as many as possible if they came into the room. We vv^ere now all soldiers, even to 
the wounded in their beds were ordered a gun by their side. "—Z)r. Senter's Journal. 

t Henry, pp. 117-119. 



XVI. INTRODUCTION. 

entirely ruined. It was not in my power to prevail on the officers to attempt saving 
our morters, which had been placed in St. Roquc's. Of course they fell into the 
hands of the enemy. Upward;^ of one hundred officers and soldiers instantly set 
off for Montreal, and it was with the greatest difficulty I could persuade the rest to 
make a stand." 

" During the night of the attack on Quebec, there was a tempestuous snow-storm. 
The bodies of the persons slain under the cliff of Cape Diamond, were not discov- 
ered till morning, when they were found nearly enveloped in snow. They were 
taken into the city on a sled. Three of them were known to the officers, and from 
the initials R M. written in a fur cap, picked up at the pluce of the bloody catas- 
tiophe, it was conjectured to have belonged to General Montgomery. His features 
were disfigured by a wound, which he had received in the lower part of the head 
and neck. At length a woman and a boy were brought, who had lately come into 
the city from the American camp, and who had often seen the principal officers. 
They identified the bodies of Montgomery, Captain McPherson, Captain Cheese- 
man, and an Orderly Sergeant. 

Mr. Cramahd, an officer in the British army, and for a time Lieutenant Governor 
of Canada, had served in the late [French] war with Montgomery, and entertained 
for him a warm personal attachment. He af-ked permission of General Carleton to 
bury his friend with marks of honor and respect. This was granted in part, and a 
coffin lined with black was provided. But the Governor did not consent to the 
reading of the funeral service, probably not deeming this indulgence conformable 
to military rules. But when the time of burial approached, Mr. Craraahe invited a 
clergyman [Rev. Mr. de Montmolin,] to be present, who read the service privately 
and unmolested."* 

General Montgomery was buried on the evening of January 4th, near the ram- 
parts bounding on St. Louis-Gate. There the body rested until June, 1818, when it 
was exhumed and conveyed to the city of New York, and reenterred with the high- 
est civil and military honors. The General's sword, after he fell, was taken by 
James Thompson, a citizen of Qncbee, who served in the capacity of Assistant 
Enjiineer during the siege of the city, by whom it was worn until going one day to 
the Seminary where the American officers were lodged, they recognized it and were 
moved to tears. Out of respect to their feelings he laid it aside, and never wore it 
more. The General's knee buckles were given by Major McKenzie to M ijor Meigs, 
as was also a gold broach that belonged to Capt. McPherson. Both the General's 
aides, Captains McPherson and Cheeseman, were buried in their clothes without 
coffins, and in the military manner. 

Several circumstances combined to render this attack unsuccessful. In the first 
place, the Indian Messenger by whom Colonel Arnold, while on his march, for- 
warded a letter to Mr. Mercier, of Montreal, proved treacherous, and delivered it 
to the Lieutenant Governor, thereby revealing impending danger, and affording 
about twenty days' time to put the city of Quebec in a state of defence. Then there 
was a delay of several days after arriving at Point Levi, opposite Quebec, in getting 
all the troops across the river, the enemy (apprised of their approach) having 
destroyed all the canoes upon which Arnold had relied, at that point This delay 
enabled the Governor to avail of the services of one hundred men, chiefly carpen- 
ters, who arrived in a vessel from Newfoundland November 5th, in repairing the 
defences, and in making platforms for the cannon. It also affoided time for Colo- 
nel Maclean to reach the city with 170 men of his regiment, with which to ra m the 
fortifications. This was a very important fact in its bearings upon the general ope- 

*Spark's Washington, iii, p. 264:, note. 



INTRODUCTION. XVll. 

rations; for up to Nov. 5rh, when Arnold's forces were at St. Mary's, thirty miles 
from Quebec, there was not a soldier in the city, and had he pushed on and 
reached there on the 10th, with even half his force, the gates of the city would have 
been opened to him. Then, finally, the death of General Montg:omerv and his own 
wounded condition changed the situation of affairs at a critical moment, and that 
portion of the troops led by General Montgomery having retreated after his fall, 
gave the enemy an opportunity to turn their whole force and attention upon those 
who remained still fighting. To contend longer with superior numbers was only to 
sacrifice life without an equivalent; and after a sortie by the enemy, in which they 
captured an entire company, and retreat appeared impracticable, surrender or anni- 
hilation became inevitable. The first of these alternatives was chosen, and after 
maintaining their ground from 5^ o'clock until 10 o'clock, A. M., the gallant band 
gave themselves up prisoners of war. 

The death of General Montgomery devolved the command of the assaulting forces 
upon Colonel Arnold, but he being already wounded was unable to act, and tem- 
porarily gave the command to Colonel Campbell. The day following the repulse, 
Arnold assumed the position that disaster had as-igned him, and in the midst of 
excessive pain from his Avound, began to plan for retrieving the fortunes of his little 
army. On the lOrh of January, Congress appointed him Brigadier General, as a 
reward for his good conduct during the march and before Quebec. 

The energy displayed by Arnold, and the fortitude shown by his men, extorted 
expressions of admiration from an English writer describing the occurrences of 
that remarkable campaign. "Their perseverance," he says, "was astonishing in 
their circumstances. They had lost beside their General, (in whom it might be said 
all their hopes and confidence resided,) the best of their own officers, and the brav- 
est of their fellows, with a part of their small artillery. The hope of assistance was 
distant, and at best, the arrival of succors must be slow. It was well known that 
the Canadians, besides being naturally quick and fickle in their resolutions, were 
peculiarly disposed to be biased by success, so that their assistance now grew ex- 
tremely precarioi>s. The severity of a Canadian winter was also far beyond any- 
thing they were acquainted with, and the snow lay about five feet deep upon a level. 
In these circumstances, it required no small share of activity, as well as address, 
to keep them in any manner together. Arnold, who had hitherto displayed uncom- 
mon talents in his march into Canada, (which may be compared to the greatest 
things done in that kind) discovered on this occasion the utmost vigor of a deter- 
mined mind, and a genius full of resources. Defeated and wounded as he was, he 
put his troops into such a situation as to keep them formidable."* 

Arnold wrote to Washington from Quebec, on the 27th of February, and seemed 
in high spirits, though encompassed with innumerable difficulties. His mind was 
of so elastic a nature, that the more it was pressed, the greater was its power of re- 
sistance." The severity of the climate," he observes, " the troops very ill clad and 
worse paid, the trouble of reconciling matters among the inhabitants,! and lately 

*Annual Register, 1776, p. 16. 

t One difficulty experienced by the American Army grew out of the scarcity of hard 
money in the Paymaster's Exchequer, and for which Continental paper money was substi- 
tuted. Of this the inhabitants of Canada were distrustful, and were unwilling to receive 
it in payment for supplies, especially as army drafts had frequently been dishonored. 
When this currency was forced upon them as their only alternative, it is not surprising 
that a feeling akin to indignation should have been excited. An actor in the scenes of the 
Canadian campaign writes : ' Our Continental Money required a good deal of gesticulation 
to make it go. It was not much relished by our Canadian friends, at its par value. One 
of my amusements was to play tricks upon an old market woman, who retailed articles out 
of a dog-cart, still a vehicle of great repute in Canada. Her shrill voice, and exclamations 
of vola (voila) mauvay (mauvais) Bostony ! still haunt my memory."— TAe Sexagenary, p. 46. 

C 



XViii. INTRODUCTION. 

an uneasiness among some of the New York and other officers, who think them- 
selves neglected in the new arrangement, while those who deserted the canse and 
went home last tall have been promoted; in short, the choice of difficulties I have 
had to encounter has rendered affairs so perplexing, that I have often been at a loss 
how to conduct them." He alludes here, and perhaps with some justice, to the 
case of Colonel Enos, and his officers, who gs already mentioned, deserted him in 
the wilderness on their way to Canada, but were nevertheless retained and pro- 
moted in the new establishment.* 

This disastrous repuls-e did not crush out hope of ultimate success. " Quebec 
appears to me," writes Arnold to the Continental Congress, "an object of the 
highest importance to the Colonies, and, if proper methods are adopted, must inev- 
itably fall into their hands before the garrison can be relieved." He adds, " I beg 
leave to recommend the sending a body of at least five thousan'd men, with an 
experienced General, into Canada as f arly as possible; and in the mean time that 
every possible preparation of mortars, howitzers, and some heavy cannon should be 
made, as the season will permit our raising batteries by the middle of March; which 
may very possibly be attended with success, as we can place our mortars under 
cover within two hundred yards of the walls, and within one thousand feet of the 
centre of the town."t In his future, Arnold calculated largely on the good will of 
the citizens, who were supposed to be friendly to his success. " I am well assured," 
he says, " more than one-half of the inhabitants of Quebec would gladly open the 
gates to us, but are prevented by the strict discipline and watch kept over them; 
the command of the guards being constantly given to officers of the Crown known 
to be firm in their interest. The garrison consists of about fifteen hundred men, 
great part of whom Governor Carleton can place no confidence in, or he would not 
suffer a blockade, and every distress of a siege, by seven hundred men, our force 
consisting of no more at present, including Colonel Livingston's regiment of two 
hundred Canadians " 

Washington warmly sympathized with the determined persistent spirit of Arnold, 
and had it been in his power would gladly have given him the reenforcements he 
desired.^" It would give me great pleasure," he said, "if I could be the happy 



* Sparks. 

t "The 22d of this month [January] a battery opened from the bank of Charles river, by 
name of Smith's battery. From this was discharged red hot shot, in hopes of firing the 
toAvn. They returned tlie fire exceeding heavy, but no considerable harm from either side. 
Two of our artillery-men were wounded very much by the cartridges taking fire wdiile 
ramming tliem home, but recovered again. The enemy continued their cannouade and 
bombardment excessive heavy, while we were restricted to a certain number per day, in 
consequence of very little ammunition. There was very little damage from either cannon 
or bombs."— ^Sew^er. 

X January 27, 1776, Washington wrote to Arnold : " I need not mention to you the great 
importance of this place, and the consequent possession of all Canada, in the scale of 
American afiairs. You are well apprised of it. To whomsoever it belongs, in their favor, 
probably, will the balance turn. If it is in ours, success I think will most certainly crown 
our virtuous struggles. If it is in theirs, the contest at best will be doubtful, hazardous, 
and bloody. The glorious Avork must be accomplished in the course of this winter, other- 
wise it will become difficult, most probably impracticable; for administration, knowing 
that it will be impossible ever to reduce us to a state of slavery and arbitrary rule without 
it, will certainly send a large rc-enforcement thither in the spring. 1 am fully convinced 
that your exertions will be invariably directed to this grand object, and I already view the 
approaching day, when you and your brave followers will enter this important fortress, 
with every honor attendant on victory. Then will you have added the only link wanting 
in the great chain of Continental union, and render the freedom of your country secure." 
The confident expectations here expressed were destined five mouths later to be sadly dis- 
appointed. 



INTRODUCTION. XIX. 

means of relieving our fellow-citizens now in Canada, and prevent the ministerial 
troops from exulting long, and availing themselves of the advantages arising from 
this repulse. But it is not in my power. Since the dissolution of the old army, the 
progress in raising recruits for the new has been so very slow and inconsiderable, 
that five thousand militia have been called for the defence of our lines. A great 
part of these have gone home again, and the rest have been induced to stay with 
the utmost difficulty and persuasion, though tlieir going would render the holding 
of the lines truly precarious and hazardous, in case of an attack. In short, I have 
not a man to spare." 

But Washington was not idle. He called a council of general officers, who after 
due consideration of the importance of sustaining Arnold, "determined that the 
Colonies of Massachusetts, New^ Hampshire, and Connecticut should each immedi- 
ately raise a regiment to continue in service for one year, and to march forthwith 
to Canada." Without waiting for Congress to carry out a resolution to raise nine 
battalions for that purpose, passed before the news of the failure of the attack on 
Quebec had reached them, Washington addressed letters to the General Court of 
Massachusetts, to the Governor of Connecticut and to the President of the Conven- 
tion of New Hampshire, requesting tliem to act at once upon the decision of the 
war council. Connecticut had already anticipated the call, and sent off troops with- 
out delay to Canada, under the command of Colonel Warner. Other troops fol- 
lowed. 

After the fall of Montgomery, General Schuyler was expected to repair to Can- 
ada, and take the chief command, but continued ill health and other causes induced 
him to decline going there. In February, 1776, General Lee was designated by 
Congress for that field, but was soon after transferred to the command of the Con- 
tinental forces South of the Potomac, much to the gratification of Washington, who 
had already found him " fickle and violent." For a few months. General Wooster 
was the highest officer in Canada. On the 1st of April he took command of the 
army before Quebec, and oa the day following, Arnold having received an injury 
from his horse falling upon him, retired on leave to Montreal for recovery.* May 
1st, General Woosier gave place to General Thomas of Massachusetts. About this 
time a plot was formed to burn the shippin^r of the enemy in the harbor. A fire 
ship was completed in charge of Adjutant Anderson, a very brave officer, but proved 
abortive by reason of the tide ebbing before he could get up to the shipping. The 
combustible-^ took fire before he intended, by whicli accident he was much burnt. 
He WiiS, however, got on sh(jre, and no lives were lost.t 

When General Thomas arrived at the camp before Quebec, he found his army 
tlicie to consist of 1900 men. Of these, only 1000 Avere fir for duty, (.>fflcers included. 
The remainder were invalids, chiefly confined with the small pox. Three hundred 
of the effective were soldiers whose enlistments had expired. Many of these 
peremptorily refused duty, and all were iuiportuaate to return home. In all the 
magazines there were but one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, and not more 



♦February 15th, 1776, Congress appointed Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase and Charles Car- 
roll Commissioners to repair to Canada, and use all suitable means to induce the Canadi- 
ans to join the other colonies in the contest with England. They were accompanied by 
Reverend John Carroll, afterwards Catholic Archbishop of Baltimore, whose influence 
with the people it was thought would be useful, on account of his religious principles and 
character. They arrived at Montreal April 29th, and used every effort in their power to 
accomplish the object of their mission, without success. Ill health caused Dr. Franklin to 
return in a few days. His associates remained till after the American forces had retreated 
to Sorel, and were preparing to evacuate Canada.—Sparks, 

t Senter. 



XX. INTRODUCTION. 

than six days provisions. The French inhabitants, too, were much disaffected, 
which rendered it more difficult to obtain supplies in the country.* 

The state of blockade in which Arnold, immediately after the battle of December 
31st, had placed Quebec, did not prevent re-enforcements being thrown into that 
city. Before ihe arrival of General Thomas the enemy had in their magazine more 
than 3000 barrels of powder, 10,000 stands of arms, and a large quantiry of artillery 
stores. Two frigates and a number of other vessels were in the harbor, ready to 
render aid to the British garrison. On the 10th of May five mere ships of war were 
added to the naval force of the enemy. The besieged, under Beaujean, attempted 
in March to raise the blockade, but failed. In May, however, a sally was made by 
the garrison upon the Continental forces, who were so dispersed that not more than 
two hundred men could be collected at head quarters, which compelled a retreat to 
the mouth of the Sorel. This was made in the utmost precipitation and confusion, 
with the loss of cannon, batteries, provisions, five hundred stands of small arms, and 
a batteau load of powder going down with Colonel Allen. t Two of the enemy's 
frigates proceeded immediately up the river, not only to annoy the retreating troops 
on their march, but also to seek several vessels of the fleet which General Mont- 
gomery brought from Montreal. Wind and tide favoring the enemy's frigates, they 
were brought within cannon shot of the American vessels before they could get 
under way. They hauled upon our shipping so rapidly as to oblige the Captains 
to run them ashore, and set them on tire. They kept in pursuit up the river both by 
land and by water, increasing the disorder of the retreat. 

The detachment stationed at Point Levi, J as well as those at Chairlebore, were 
not apprised of a retreat till they saw the Provincials quitting the ground. They 
were forced to escape through the woods a very great distance before the.v fell in 
with the St. Lawrence. Most of the sick fell into the hands of the enemy, with 
all the hospital stores, &c. The first stand made was at Chambaud, forty-five miles 
from Quebec, but not being able to collect suflicient provisions, they were obligtd to 
abandon the position and proceed. '■ The poor inhabitants, seeing the army aban- 
doning their country, were in the utmost consternation, expecting, as many had 
been aiding us in every way, to be sacrificed to the b;irbarity of those whose sever- 
ity they had long felt, though under the specious pretence of civil government, 
which, in fact, had been in essen; e nothing but an arrogant military one. No pro- 
visions could be obtained but by force of arms. No conveniences for ferrying the 
troops over the rivers emptying in upon either side of the St. Lawrence, except a 
canoe or two, and these were rare. The spring flood had submerged many low 
places, and the army was obliged to travel a great distance around them. In this 



* Letter of General Thomas to Washington, 3Iay 8,1776. On the same day, Ai*nold 
writes from Montreal : " We have very little provisions, no cash and less credit." 

tXhe town of Sorel, or (as It Is sometimes called) William Henry, stands on the site of a 
fort, built in the year 1665, by order of Mons. de Tracy. It was Intended as a defence 
against the Incursions of the Indians, and received its name of Sorel from a Captain of 
engineers, who superintended Its construction. 

The river Sorel Is two hundred and lifty yards broad opposite to tlie town, but it presents 
a singular example of a river much narrower at its embouchure than at its origin. It is 
more than four times as wide at St. John's, as at Sorel, and continues to widen all the 
way up the stream, to the Lake Champlain. From St. John's there is also a ship naviga- 
tion into the lake ; but from the town of Sorel, vessels of one hundred and lifty tons ascend 
only twelve or fourteen miles,— SUliman's Tour. 

X Colonel Clinton, afterwards well known in our Revolution as a gallant general officer, 
and now not less remembered as the father of the illustrious DeWitt Clinton, commanded 
a battery at rolnt Levi. He afterwards commanded at Montreal.— 2V<e Sexagenary, pA^. 



[The followinji: should precede the death of General Thomas^, mentioned at ihe 
top of page XXI. J 

Colonel Bedel, with 3')0 conrinental troops, held a post at the Cedars, about forty 
three miles above Montreal. Learning on the 15th May that a party of the enemy 
consisting of about 600 regulars and Indians were marching to attack liira, he set 
out for Montreal to obtain re-enforcements, leaving Major Butterfield in commantl. 
On the 17th, during his absence, the post was invested, and on the 19th contrary to 
the remonstrances of the olflcers, the fort and garrison were surrendered. On the 
20th Mojor Shurburne witli 100 men, landed at Quinze Chenes, about nine miles 
from the Cedars, where he was attacked by about 500 of the enemy, and after 
maintaining his ground for nearly an hour was constrained to retreat, but being 
intercepted on his route was, with his men, taken prisoner. The prisoners after 
the surrender, were treated with savage barbarity. One was shot and while yet 
alive, roastid, and others, worn down by famine and cruelty, were left exposed on 
an island to perish with cold and hunger. General Arnold advanced from Montreal 
to attack Quinze Chenes. Captain Foster, the English commander, st^nt a flag to 
meet him with a proposition to exchange prisoners, stating that if not complied 
with those in his possession would be exposed to merciless treatment from his sav- 
age allies, and to save them General Arnold reluct.antly entered into a cartel, and 
the attack was not made. A Congressional Committee of Inquiry subsequently 
investigated the whole subject, and reported that " the shameful surrender of the 
post at the Cedars was chargeable on the commanding officer." Congress also cou- 
demned in severe terms the cruelties pra<-ticed upon the American prisoners, and 
other violations of the comity of war.* 

* Proceedings of Congress, 1776. 



> 



INTEODUCTION. XXI. 

perplexed situation, they arriyed at Sorel, about forty miles below Montreal, where 
they made a stand and collected our whole force."* 

At Sorel, General Thomas died of small pox.t On being taken sick, he sent for 
General Wooster, then at Montreal, to come and take the command, which for a 
short time he did. But General Sullivan was already on his way to Canada with 
re-enforcements, to join General Thomas, and the death of that officer devolved on 
him the command. He advanced to Sorel, where he established his head- quarters. 
His entire force consisted of about 3500 men, and he felt confident of soon being 
able to reduce Quebec. Writing to Washington in glowing strains, under date of 
June 5th, he says: " Our affairs here have taken a strange turn since our arrival. 
The Canadians are flocking by hundreds to take a part with us. I am jiiving them 
commissions agreeable lo the enclosed form, which I hope will not be thought an 
unnecessary assumption of power. I really find most of them exceedingly friendly. 
I have sent out for carts and teams, &c. They have come in with the greatest 
cheerfulness; and, what gives still greater evidence of their friendship is, that they 
have voluntarily offered to supply us with what wheat, flour, &c., we want, and 
ask nothing in return but certificates. They begin to complain against their priests, 
and wish them to be secured; I shall, however, touch this string with great tender- 
ness at present, as I know their sacerdotal influence." 

Either General Sullivan was greatly deceived by appearances, or had been grossly 
imposed upon by false professions. At any rate, two weeks sufficed to cloud these 
bright skies, and doom him to disappointment. Two days after his arrival at Sorel, 
he sent General Thompson with three regiments to attack the enemy at Three 
Rivers, but unfortunately for the enterprise Burgoyne arrived the night before the 
battle, with a strong party. General Thompson was defeated and with other 
officers was taken prisoner. The fortunes of war were now against Sullivan. 
There was a want of almost every necessary for the army, while repeated misfor- 
tunes and losses had greatly dispirited the troOps. The British land force had not 
only been heavily strengthened, but they had thirt3'^-six sail of vessels lying in the 
lake near Sorel, and sixty-six more lying at Three Rivers. The numbers under 
the command of Sullivan were entirely inadequate to the work he had undertaken, 
while "small pox, famine and disorder, had rendered them almost lifeless." The 
warmth of Canadian friendship, w^hich had been so conspicuous when Montgomery 
crossed the line seven months before, and so suddenly cooled after the disaster at 
Quebec, which rose again to summer heat on the appearance of Sullivan, now sank 
to zero. The tickle population changed with every turn of fortune. Success was 
the price to be paid for their good will. From a doubtful cause they withheld sup- 
port. Every day the situation of affairs became more precarious, and in view of all 
circumstances, a council of war decided upon an entire withdrawal from Canada. 



* Dr. Seuter. 

t June 13, 1776, Arnold wrote from St. John's to General Schuyler as follows: " Near 
one-half of our army are sick, mostly with the small pox. If the enemy have a force of 
six or eight, and some say ten thousand men, we shall not be able to oppose them, sick, 
divided, ragged, undisciplined, and unofficered, as we are. If we are not soon re-enforced, 
I tremble for the event. A loss of our heavy cannon, which is all ordered to Sorel, must 
ensue, if not of our army, as our retreat is far from being secured. Not one stroke has 
been struck to secure our encampment here. I have ordered men out to-morrow morning 
to inclose our encampment and the two old forts with an abatis and breastwork. Dr. 
Stringer is in a disagreeable situation. Three thousand men are sick here and at Chambly, 
and no room or convenience for them. I should advise his going to the Isle-aux-Noix, 
was there any convenience for the sick, or boards to make any." 



XXll. INTRODUCTION. 

This was effected about the middle of June in an orderly manner, without loss of 
men, armament or baf^-^age.* 

On the 17th of June, before this event was known, Congress directed General 
Washinfj;ton to send General Gates to Canada to assume the chief command. Gates 
had then a popular military reputation, and strong hopes were entertained that he 
would soon be able to give a successful turn to affairs. Receiving his instructions 
in New York, he proceeded June 3d, by way of Albany to Ticonderoga. But the 
evacuation of Canada, which had already taken place, put an end to a project that 
for more than nine months had occupied the attention of Congress, and which had 
given great anxiety to Washington. 

The termination of the invasion of Canada, so differently from universal expecta- 
tion, was a deep disappointment to the country. Life, treasure and time seemed 
to have been expended in vain.f Yet this expenditure was not wholly without 
compensation. The experience gained was calculated to toughen the will, and 
to make more energetic soldiers of both officers and men. Besides, viewing 
the result through the medium of subsequent events, it is questionable whether 
the possession of Canada at that time would have secured to the Continental 
Confederacy the advantages then anticipated. It has been said, with much 
plausibility, that had Quebec tallen, while it would have stemed a most impor- 
tant and glorious event, yet it might have been the ruin of America; for in 
order to defend it, a considerable force would have been requisite, thus dividing our 
strength, while the British, in despair of recovering so strong a place, might have 
concentrated their ^.forces at New York, and the capture of Burgoyne would not 
have electrified the friends of liberty through America.| 

But however this may be, the plan of wresting Canada from Great Britain, and 
giving the blessings of freedom to its people, was a grand conception, while the 
record of the manly fortitude displayed by the army under the most trying circum- 
suinces, is a noble monument to its patriotism. The simple, unambitious story 
told in the following Journal, well illustrates the spirit that fired the army of the 
Revolution, and shows, in vivid light, how much our ancestors were ready to endure 
to secure for their posterity the boon of human rights. It has been truly said, 
" The long, dilBcult and laborious march of Arnold through hardships and dangers 

*" I advised General Sullivan to secure his retreat by retiring to St. John's. He was 
determined to keep his post at Sorel, if possible, and did not retire until the 14th [June] 
instant, at which time the enemy were as high up with their ships as the Sorel. 

On the 15th at night, when the enemy were at twelve miles distant from me, I quitted 
Montreal with my little garrison of three hundred men. The whole army with their bag- 
gage and cannon (except three heavy pieces left at Chambly,) arrived at St. John's the 
17th, and at the Isle-aux-Noix the 18th; previous to which it was determined by a Council 
of War at St. John's, that in our distressed situation, (one-half of the army sick, and 
almost the whole destitute of clothing and every necessary of life, except salt pork and 
flour,) it was not only imprudent but impracticable to keep possession of St. John's. 
Crown Point was judged the only place of health and safety, to which the army could 
retire and oppose the enemy. It was found necessary to remain at the Isle-aux-Noix for 
some few days, until the sick, heavy cannon, &c., could be removed."— ^r«oW to General 
Washington^ June 25, 1776. 

t " The loss of Canada," writes Hancock, President of Congress, "is undoubtedly on 
some accounts to be viewed in the light of a misfortune. The Continent has been put to a 
great expense in endeavoring to get possession of it. That our army should make so pru- 
dent a retreat, as to save their baggage, cannon, ammunition and sick from falling into 
the hands of the enemy, is a circumstance that will afford a partial consolation, and reflect 
honor upon the officers who conducted it." 

1: Allen. 



INTRODUCTION. XXUl. 

that would have appalled the stoutest follower of Xenophon — his subsequent sie»e 
and blockade of one of the strongest military posts in the world, in the heart of the 
enemy's country, in the midst of a northern winter, where nothing was seen but 
ice and snow, with raw recruits, half clad, half fed, and scarcely half covered from 
the storms of wind and snow— the expedition to Canada may fairly be placed on a 
parallel with any of the boasted achievements of ancient Greece or Rome." We 
turn painfully away from Arnold's display of patriotic devotion in this marvelous 
march, and before Quebec, as we remember his base and heartless treachery at West 
Point. How sad, that a life of such glorious promise should have draped itself for- 
ever in a robe of infamy! 



NOTES. 

Death op Getsteral Montgomery, Page xvi. 

"Some American gentlemen who were at Quebec about sixteen years since, saw a man 
who asserted that he was the person who touched off the cannon, and what was very 
remarkable he was a New Englander. He related that the barrier was abandoned, and 
that the party who had been stationed at it Avere in full flight; but as it occurred to him 
that there was a loaded cannon, he turned, and discharged it at random, and then ran. 
This anecdote I had from one of the gentlemen who conversed with this man. 

That there was some such occurrence, appears probable, and the following circumstances 
having a similar bearing, were related to me by the person who showed me this fatal 
ground. The spot may be known at the present moment, by its being somewhat farther 
up the river than the naval depot, where great numbers of heavy cannon are now lying. 
The battery stood on the first gentle declLvity, beyond this pile of cannon, and the deaths 
happened on the level ground, about forty yards still farther on. My informant stated 
that the people in the block-house, as he called it, loaded their cannon over night, and 
retired to rest. It so happened, (and it was perfectly accidental,) that a Captain of a vessel 
in the port, lodged in the block-house that night. He Avas an intemperate man half 
delirious Avhen most sober, and never minded any one or was much listened to by others. 
Early on the fatal morning, before light, he exclaimed, all of a sudden, — ' they are com- 
ing, I s r they are coming." No one regarded him. but he got the iron rods, which 

they used to touch off the cannon, heated them, and fired the pieces. Immediately sky 
rockets were seen to fly into the air, which were signals to Arnold's party that all was lost. 
When light returned, General Montgomery and his aids and many others, in the whole 
twenty-seven (as he stated,) were found either dead or grievously wounded " — Silliman's 
Tour, 1819. 

Washixgton to Arnold on the Death of Montgomery. 

Cambridge, 27th January, 1776. 
Dear Sir: 

On the 17th instant I received the melancholy account of the unfortunate attack on the 
city of Quebec, attended with the fall of General Montgomery and other brave oflScers and 
men, and of your being wounded. 

This unhappy affair affects me in a very sensible manner, and I sincerely condole with 
you upon the occasion; but, in the midst of distress, I am happy to find that suitable 
honors were paid to the remains of Mr. Montgomery; and that our officers and soldiers, 
who have fallen into their hands, were treated with kindness and humanity. 



Colonel Arnold's Account of the Attack on Quebec, in a Letter to 
General Wooster. 

General Hospital, 31 December, 1775. 
Dear Sir:— I make no doubt but General Montgomery acquainted you with his inten- 
tions of storming Quebec as soon as a good opportunity offered. As we had several men 



XXIV. INTRODUCTION. 

dosertod from us a few days past, the General was induced to alter his plan, which was to 
have attacked the Upper and Lower Town at the same time. He thought it most prudent 
to make two different attacks upon the Lower Town ; the one at Cape Diamond, the other 
through St. Hoc. For the last attack, I was ordered with my own detachment and Cap- 
tain Lamb's company of artillery. At five o'clock, the hour appointed for the attack, a 
false attack was ordered to be made upon the Upper Town. 

"We accordingly began our march. I passed through St. Roc, and approached near a 
two-gun battery, picketed in , without being discovered, which we attacked. It was bravely 
defended for about an hour; but with the loss of a number of men, we carried it. In the 
attack, I was shot through the leg, and was obliged to be carried to the hospital, where I 
soon heard the disagreeable news that the General was defeated at Cape Diamond; himself, 
Captain Macpherson, his Aide de Camp, and Captain Cheeseraan, killed on the spot, with 
a number of others not known. After gaining the battery, my detachment pushed on to 
a second barrier, which they took possession of. At the same time, the enemy sallied out 
from Palace Gate, and attacked them in the ronr. A field-piece, which the roughness of 
the road would not permit our carrying on, fell into the enemy's hands, with a number of 
prisoners. The last accounts from my detachment, about ten minutes since, they were 
pushing for the Lower Town. Their communication with me was cut off. I am exceed- 
ingly apprehensive what the event will be; they will either carry the Lower Town, be 
made prisoners, or cut to pieces. 

I thought proper to send an express to let you know the critical situation we are in, and 
make no doubt you will give us all the assistance in your power. As I am not able to act, 
I shall give up the command to Colonel Campbell. I beg you will immediately send an 
express to the Honorable Continental Congress, and His Excellency General Washington. 
The loss of my detachment before I left it, was about twenty men killed and wounded ; among 
the latter is Major Ogden, who, with Captain Oswald, Captain Burr, and the other volun- 
teers, behaved extremely well. I have only time to add that I am , with the greatest esteem , 
&c., Benedict Arnold. 

P. S. It is impossible to say what our future operations will be until we know the fate 
of my detachment. 

Page xx. 

Jamiary 6, 1776.— A battery opened from Point Levi upon the city, but being scanty of 
ammunition, were allowanced only a few rounds per day, just to keep the enemy in a con- 
tinued alarm. About this time an insurrection happened down the river St. Lawrence, 
about six leagues from Quebec, in consequence of some of the enemy's emissaries, joined 
to the envious instigations of some of their priests. They collected a number of Canadi- 
ans, and were marching up in form to take possession of our troops at Point Levi. Of this 
the General obtained intelligence, and immediately detached Major Dubois, a very brave 
officer, with a number of men to oppose them. The Major fell in with their party upon 
surprise, killed some, wounded others, (among the last was a priest) and captured a num- 
ber more and brought them to Headquai-ters.— 5'e«^er. 




A'> nKo oAo nA'^ rA^ n^n nAo oAo r,A^ 

w #?\ /"^ ^?^ /r\ ^y;^\ rf\ ^^A /^\ ,^^%^ 



P^ 



JOURNAL 



A Journal of tlie indefatimible march of Col. Benedict Arnold 
from Prospect Hill Fort, in order to join the detachment 
which was going on a secret expedition, consisting of two 
Battalions, one commanded by Lieut. Col. Greene, and the 
other by Lieut. Cob Enos, with all circumstances, and par- 
ticularly the difficulties that I myself have labored under, 
having the command of a company of Foot under Lieut. Col. 
Greene, in the years 1775 and 177G. 



The first Battalion consisted of 
1 Lieut. Colonel, (Greene,) 
1 Adjutant, 



1 Major, 

1 Quartermaster. 



The second Battalion consisted of 

1 Lieut. Colonel, (Enos,) 1 Major, 

1 Adjutant, 1 Quartermaster. 

1 Surgeon and Mate for both Battalions. 



Captain Smith's Company, 


Captain 


I Morgan's Company, 


(( 


Hendrick's " 






Williams' 


u 


Ward's 






Hanchet's " 


(( 


Topham's " 






Goodrich's *' 


ii 


McCobb's " 






Dearborn's " 


a 


Hubbard's " 






Scott's " 


a 


Thayer's " 








One Chief Colonel, 1 
1 


Chaplain 


for both Battalions. 



CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. {1775. 



MARCH TO NEWBURYPORT. 

Sept. 11. — Remained in Cambridge in order to fill up each 
company to 84 effective men. Got all necessaries and began 
our march. 

Sept. 13. — This day our Battalion marched towards Nevv- 
buryport, reached Beverly and remained there this night. 

Sept. 14. — Continued our march and reached Maiden and 
lodged there. 

Sept. 15. — Arrived at Newbury port about sunset, and quar- 
tered our men in the Presbyterian Meeting House. [See Ap- 
pendix A.] 

Sept. 16. — Capt. Topham's company, together with mine, 
arrived. 

Sept. 17. — Being Sunday we paraded our men, and went to 
meeting under arms,* after which we had orders to hold our- 
selves in readiness to embark at a moment's warning, in eleven 
small vessels purposely engaged to receive us on Board. Agree- 
able to orders we embarked about sunset, But finding it diffi- 
cult to keep the men on board, we were obliged to keep a 
guard over them. 

Sept. 18. — About 9 o'clock the fleet sailed for Kennebeck 
River, bearing W. S. W., got over the bar, and stood off until 
Col. Arnold came on board the Broad Bay schooner where 
little after the swallow Sloop struck a Rock where she stuck, 
on board of which was Capt. Scott's company who were dis- 
tributed among the fleet, and Capt. Hendrick's company of 
Riflemen, together with mine, which were on board the Broad 
Bay. At 2 o'clock a signal was made for sailing, and run 
along shore until midnight, when a signal was given for heav- 
ing to, off the shore, under our jib and mainsail. 

Sept. 19. — About Daybreak, discover'd the mouth of the 
river, for which we stood in and anchor'd, tarried all Day for 
the fleet. 

Sep)t. 20. — They all came up but the Conway and Abigail 
sloops. The weather, accompanied b}^ a fog and heavy rain, 
* At the Presbyteiiau Meetiug-house, Rev. Jonathan Parsons. 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 3 

blowed very fresh. Stood up the river, but the above sloops did 
not come up. [See Appendix B.] 

Sept. 21. — Came to the head ot Sheeps Gut River, out of 
which we discovered the missing vessels making sail, to our 
great satisfaction, on board of which were Capt. Topham's 
and my companys. 

Sept. 22. — Went on shore with Col. Arnold at Capt. Cope- 
lins, where there were one hundred men to row the Batteaux 
to Fort Western. 

Sept. 23. — Proceeded to Fort Western.* This place was 
formerly pretty strong ; Avas built against the French and Indi- 
ans, but at present of no great consequence. It has two large 
and two small block houses. 

Sept. 24. — Occupied in getting our men and Provisions up 
from Gardner's Town. After Capt. Topham and myself went 
to bed at a neighbor's house, some dispute arose in the house 
between some of our soldiers, on which we were requested to 
get up and appease them. I got out of Bed, and ordered them 
to lie down and be at rest ; and on going to the door, I ob- 
served the flash of the ])riming of a gun, and called to Capt. 
Topham who arose likewise and went to the door, was fired 
at, but was miss'd, on which he drew back, and I with Top- 
ham went to bed, but the felon who had fully determined mur- 
der in his heart, came again to the door and lifted the latch, 
and fired into the room, and killed a man lying by the fireside. 
On suspicion, we took up a man, but did not prove to be the 
murderer. 

Sept. 25. — The perpetrator of the above facts was taken by 
a Sergeant, who, thinking he was a deserter, questioned him 
accordingly, and who came to understand that he crossed the 
river opposite to the place where he killed the man, and gave 
himself up to the mercy of the Sergeant, who brought him 
back and was sentenced to die. This afternoon an advanced 
guard went forward, consisting of four Batteaux. This day 
the three companies of Riflemen sat off* for Quebec, the place of 
our destination, and Col. Greene's Battalion received orders to 
be ready at a minute's warning. 

* Opposite the present town of Augusta, 



4 CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. [1775. 

Sept. 26. — We began our march. The above perpetrator, 
by name in^ McCormick, was to suffer at 3 o'clock, but was re- 
prieved at that time to be sent back to Gen. Washington. 
The river here is very rapid and difficult. [See Appendix C] 

Sept. 27.— Arrived at Fort Halifax about 3 o'clock, P. M., 
which greatly resembles Fort Western. The river here is both 
rapid and rocky. Proceeded to the foot of the falls. Here 
is the first carrying place we come to. We encamped on the 
west side of the river, and carried over our provisions and Bat- 
teaux. The carrying place is about eighty rods wide. 

Sept. 28. — Proceeded about 3 miles through rapid water. 
Our men are obliged to wade more than half their time. It 
begins to be cold and imcomfortable. Here are few scat- 
tering inhabitants. [See Appendix D.] 

.Sept. 29. — Proceeded on our march ; made large fires and 
refreshed ourselves. Our People are in good health. But some 
keep lurking behind and get lost from the party. At 12 
o'clock, set out again for Squhegan* Falls ; the stream is very 
swift, which makes it difficult, and our Batteaux leaky, besides 
the place being very shallow, which obliges our men to go into 
the river and haul the Batteaux after them, which generally 
occupies three or four men, two of whom are at her head and 
one or two at her stern, which occasioned a slow progress. 
To-night we encamped within three miles of the fldls, the 
water still continues to run very rapid. 

Sept. 30. — Proceeded through the falls in rapid water ; here 
is the second carrying place. We found that the course of 
the river differ'd from the Draught we had seen. We en- 
camped on the main on the west side of the river. The 
carrying place is across an island. Plere is a mill erecting, 
(the property of Mr. Copelin,) the worst constructed I ever 
saw. The People call this place Canaan ; a Canaan, Indeed ! 
The land is good, the timber large and of various kinds, such as 
Pine, Oak, Hemlock and Rock Maple. Last night, our clothes 
being wet, were frozen a pane of glass thick, which proved very 
disagreeable, being obliged to lie in them. The land is very 
fine, and am thinking if worked up, would produce any grain 

* Skowhoir.'iu. 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 5 

whatsoever. The people are courteous and breathe nothing 
but liberty. Their produce, (they sell at an exorbitant price) 
which consists ot salted Moose and Deer, dried up like fish. 
They have Salmon in abundance. The cataracts here are 
neither so high nor so rapid as those at the fort, but narrow, 
which occasions the water below them to run very swift. The 
carrying place is very difficult, occasioned by the height of the 
land, and more so, being obhged to carry our provisions and 
Batteaux up a steep rocky precipice. Our men are as yet in 
very good s])ints, considering they have to wade half the time, 
and our boats so villainously constructed, and leaking so much 
that they are always wet. I would heartily wish the infamous 
constructors, who, to satisfy their avaricious temper, and fill 
their purses with the spoils of their country, may be obliged to 
trust to the mercy of others more treacherous than themselves, 
that they might judge the fear and undergo the just reward of 
their villainy. This is the second carrying place. 

Oct. 1. — Proceeded on our march seven miles. Stopped 
about an hour, advanced to Norridgewalk, and reached the falls 
about 12 o'clock and encamped on the Avest side of the river.* 

Oct, 2. — This Day we saw an altar constructed by the Indians, 
and the remains of a Roman Chapel, where they paid their de- 
votions. Their Curate, or Friar, named Francisco was killed 
about 40 years ago, at the time when the Provincials drove 
back the Indians. His remains lie buried here w^ith a cross 
over them, as is customary in France, Spain, Italy and all Ro- 
man Catholic countries, when their clergy Die. This place was 
remarkable formerly for being the Indians' Headquarters^. 
There we w^ere busy in repairing our boats and carryino- our 
Provisions over the carrying place, (the 3d) which is about one 
mile and a quarter long. We had some sleds and oxen to as- 
sist us in carrying our Luggage. We are at the Last inhabitants 
now, and meet no other until Ave come to Canada. Col. Ar- 
nold came up to us and encamped on the west side of the river. 
This is the fourth carrying place. 

Oct. 3. — Overhauled our Biscuit and found it to be much 

* See Appendix E. 



6 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [1775. 

damaged by the leaking of the Batteaux ; passed the wliole 
day in crossing the River. 

Oct. 4. — Came to the mouth of the 7 mile streams, and en- 
camp'd on a point of land. 

Oct. 5. — Came to the falls called Carrytuck, otherwise 
Devil's Falls. They fall about sixteen feet. The carrying place 
is about 8 Rods, and very difficult ; the water is frozen. This 
is the 5th carrying place. 

Oct. 6. — Carried our Batteaux across, and proceeded to the 
Great carrying place ; w^ent about seven miles, and came to 
Seven Islands on the east side of the river, the mountains ap- 
pearing ahead, which looked dismal to us, and especially more 
so, knowing we had them to cross without a conductor. 

Oct. 7. — Got on our march to the great carrying place ; 
the land is low and rich in grass. In spring time the edge 
of the River seems to be overflown, and gradually as we pro- 
ceed, begins to be less fertile. 

Oct. 8. — Lieut. Church returned with his party, who went 
to reconnoitre the Place, and informed us the first carrying 
place to be within three and one-fourth miles and then a pond. 
We encamped here, and employed our men in clearing the 
road for carrying our boats, &c. It rained hard all Day, which 
hindered us much. Hitherto we had fair weather. At 3 
o'clock, the remainder of our Battalion came up, but we re- 
mained here. The three companies of Riflemen were helping 
to clear the roads ; they had killed a Moose ; the skin ap- 
peared to be as large as that of an ox of 600 lbs. This ani- 
mal is of the same species as the Reindeer, and might be of the 
same service to the inhabitants as the Reindeer is to the Lap- 
landers and Upper Norwegians. They are so numerous that 
we can hardly walk 50 yards without meeting their tracks ; 
their meat is good and refreshing. We encamped here, 

Oct. 9. — Detached two Subalterns and 36 rank and file, to 
clear the road to the first Pond. The remainder of the men 
were employed in unbarreling our Pork and stringing it on poles 
for convenience of carriage, and carrying our Batteaux from the 
river to the pond. The carrying place is about 4 miles long ; 
the weather is fair, but very fresh. Here came up two com- 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEK S JOURNAL. 7 

panies of the other BattaUon ; this pond is full of trout, of which 
we caught plenty. This is the 6th carrying place. 

Oct. 10. — Employed getting oar men over the pond ; this 
is one-half mile distant from the preceding one, which is 
the 7th carrying place. 

Oct. 11. — Came to the 8th carrying ])Iace, which is about 
four and one-quarter Miles, and made the rivulet that runs 
into the Dead River, (so call'd) but undeservedly, because it 
runs swiftly, except where the rivulet enters the river. 

Oct. 12. — Had a beautiful prospect of a high mountain that 
bears S. S. W. of us, about iifteen miles. This last carrying 
place is very difficult — sinking half leg deep carrying over our 
Batteaux and Provisions, the ground being wet and boggy, 
and to add to our difficulties, w^e had to wade through the 
whole bog. At the east side of the mountain is the Creek 
that runs into the Dead River. 

Oct. 13. — Proceeded on our march about three miles up 
Dead River. 

Oct. 14. — Proceeded about ten miles only, the current be- 
ing so strong, and the shore so bold that our poles would not 
reach the bottom, and were oblig'd to pull them by the Bushes 
that hung over the water. 

Oct. 15. — Dispatch'd two Indians and a white man to de- 
liver some letters to a gentleman in Quebec, whose return we 
expected in ten or twelve days ; waited some time for a com- 
pany in the rear to come up ; clean'd our arms. The moun- 
tain bears W. S. W., and the River runs N. W. by W. Thick 
Aveather, and calm, with some rain, but not very cold ; the land 
is good. 

Oct. 16. — Fell short of Provisions and brought to half an 
allow^ance per man — waited until 9 o'clock for the Rifle com- 
panies in order to get some supply, but they not appearing, we 
push'd our journey. Past the ninth carrying place and came 
to an Indian hut where one Sataness dwell'd, both as rogueish 
and malicious as ever existed. Proceeded about 4 miles 
and encamped. Col. Arnold came up in the Evening, and 
understanding our want of supplies, ordered four Batteaux 
with thirty-two men of Each company to return to the rear 



« CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. [1775. 

for some. In tlio morning our company had but 5 or 6 pounds 
of flour for 60 men. 

Oct. IT. — Detached 12 Batteaux with 96 men, officers in- 
cluded, on the above Business. 

Oct. 18. — Emphjyed making cartouches — took an observa- 
tion of tlie mountain, which we found to be G miles S. E. by 
E. — the river runs W. N. W., and bears more to the north ; 
the weather is fair. We tarried until Major Meigs' division 
arrived. 

Oct. 19. — Heavy rain until 3 o'clock ; then Major Meigs and 
his division marched on ; we expect our supply of Provisions, 
as the officers and men are eai2;er to o:et forward. 

Oct. 20. — Rain'd very hard, and our Batteaux not appearing, 
we pack'd up our cartouches in casks in order to be ready for 
an immediate embarkation, having lain by 6 Days waiting for 
supplies to no purpose. 

Oct. 21. — A continuance of rain, and a most heavy storm. 
Col. Enos came up with us about 11 o'clock, in expectation 
of finding Col. Arnold, but on his disappointm3nt returned, 
and drove up his rear. In the afternoon Capt. Williams' Ser- 
geant came up with that company. Major Bigelow, who car- 
ried the boats, returned with only 2 barrels of flour, and the 
detachments returned immediately to their respective companies. 
Now we found ourselves in a distress'd and famish'd situa- 
tion, without provisions and no hopes of getting any, until we 
reach'd Sartigan. Having no other view now but to proceed 
to Canada, (or retreat) we concluded to send back such as 
were not able to do Duty ; the river rose 3 foot, which in- 
creased the rapidity of the current. Our encampment grew 
quite uncomfortable, and especially to those who had no Tents, 
and not being much used to the inconveniencies that a soldier is 
obliged to undergo, suftered exceedingly. 

Oct. 22. — Myself and eight more of the men, missing our 
way by the freshet of the River and the overflowing of the 
surface, were cast into the greatest consternation, not being able 
to make any other way but by wading through the water, in 
which situation we w^ere obliged to remain without victuals or 
drink until the next morning about 9 o'clock, exhausted with 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 9 

cold and fatigue, reached the detachment as they were beginning 
their march. The storm abated, the river rose 6 feet perpen- 
dicular, and ran exceeding rapid. The sun rose with a little 
rain, but soon grew fair, and we embark'd on board our Bat- 
teaux, and after going about 6 miles against the current, 
which ran at least 5 miles an hour, came to a carrying place 
entirely overflowed, that our Batteaux went through the woods, 
without the trouble of carrying them ; advanced about 50 
rods and encamped. This is the 10th carrying place. 

Oct, 23. — Proceeded a little further and came to a carrying 
place, which is the eleventh. At six o'clock proceeded against 
the freshet, being altogether as high as before, which made us 
repent of our Delays ; went about 2 miles and cross'd another 
carrying place, and half a mile further cross'd again ; went 
about 7 miles and came to another, by which we expect 
to be within 6 miles of the second great carrying place, 
and encamp'd. It is to be observed here that by ye freshet 
overflowing, our salt was wash'd out of the Boats, and had no 
more to supply our want.* 

Oct. 24. — Had intelligence of its being twenty-five miles to 
the great carrying place where the height of land is, and in the 
meantime destitute of provisions, for the two Barrels we brought 
gave two pounds Each man, and we had only [a] half pint left 
to deliver out ; besides, the continual snow aggravated us more, 
and left [us] in a situation not to be described. 

Oct. 25. — We staid for Col. Greene to consult about our 
situation, and what to do for provisions ; however we trusted 
in the Almighty, and hoped he would prove propitious to- 
wards us ; for the present we had no hopes, unlet^s some 
Glimpses from the part of the French, which at any rate 
could not be much. We sent back in three Batteaux, forty- 
eight sick men, and one subaltern ; the river is narrow and of 

*Oct. 23. " Encamped this evening; at a carrying place, fifteen perches across. 
Here a council was held, in which it was resolved that a captain with fifty men 
should march, with all despatch, by land, to Chaudiere pond, and that the sick of 
my division and Captain Morgan's should return to Cambridge. At this place the 
stream is very rapid, in passing which five or six battoes filled and overset, by 
which we lost several barrels of provisions, a number of guns, some clothes and 
cash." — Meigs' Journal, 



10 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOUHNAL. [1775. 

course rapid, Besides bad walking by land ; the men are much 
disheartened and Eagerly wish to return — however, I am cer- 
tain if their Bellies were full, they would be willing eno' to 
advance. Whether or no, necessity obliges [us] to proceed at 
present. Col. Arnold has sent with Capt. Hanchet a party of GO 
men, to purchase provisions of the French, if possible. In the 
afternoon, went about three miles and encamped, waiting for 
our boats. Here Col. Greene, Capt. Topham and myself staid, 
by desire of Col. Enos, to hold a council of war, in which it 
was resolved that Col. Enos should not return back. His party, 
who were 6 in number, and by one inferior to ours, and ob- 
served with regret that we voted for proceeding ; on which they 
held a council of war amongst themselves, of which were the Capts. 
McCobb, Wilhams and Scott, and unanimously declar'd that 
they would return, and not rush into such imminent danger ; to 
which we replied, if thus determined to grant us some supply, 
which they promis'd, if we could get a boat from Mr. Copelin, 
tlio' with ye utmost reluctance. 

Mr. Ogden, a volunteer under Colonel Greene, and myself, 
took the Boat, in which we ran rapidly down with the cur- 
rent, where we expected to receive from the returning party, 
four barrels of flour and two of Pork, according to promise. 
But we were utterly deceived, and only received two Bar- 
rels of flour, notwithstanding all our entreaties, and that few 
only tlirough the humanity of Capt. Williams. Col. Enos De- 
clared to us [that] he was willing to go and take his boat in 
which there was some provisions, and share the same fate with 
us. But was obliged to tarry thro' the means of his Effeminate offi- 
cers, who rather pass their time in sippling than turn it to the profit 
and advantage of their country, who stood in need of their assist- 
ance. Capt. Williams stept'd towards me, and wish'd me suc- 
cess. But in the meantime told me he never expected to see me, 
or any of us, he was so conscious of the imminent Danger we 
were to go through ; in meantime Col. Enos advanced, 
with tears in his Eyes, wishing me and mine success, and took , 
as he then suppos'd and absolutely thought, his last farewell of 
me, demonstrating to me that it was with the utmost reluctance 
he remain'd behind, tho' beinjx certain he never would 



1775.] CAPTAIN Thayer's j( urnal. 11 

escape the attempt.* I took the little flour, bemoanine; our sad 
fate, and cursing the ill-heart'd minds of the timorous part}^ I 
left behind, and working, together with Mr. Ogden and my- 
self, up against a most raj)id stream for a mile and a half, where, 
after inconceivable difficulties, I reach'd and met some of our 
boats coming to me and take the flour they suppos'd I had in 
theirs ; but to their great surprise, they found but the little I 
mention'd just now. However, it is surprising that the party 
returning, professing Christianity, should prove so ill-disposed 
toward their fellow-brethren and soldiers, in the situation 
we were in, and especially when we observe our numerous 
wants, and the same time they overflowing in abundance of 
all sorts, and far more than what was necessary for their return. 
But not the least, when again considering the temerity and 
effeminency of 'em not willing to pursue the eager desires of 
their Colonel, nor suffer the same fate, nor willingly assist their 
courageous countrymen in the plausible cause of their common 
Country. In the meantime, Mr. Ogdenf and myself were 
oblig'd to keep the course towards the river, in sight of our 
boats, and lay that [night] disagreeably in the snow, without the 
least to cover or screen us from the inclemency of the Weather, 
until next morning. 

About nine o'clock we overtook our troops, who were 
just ready to march forward — even had not the satisfaction 



*"Enos, either throuich a false construction of the order, or willful disobedience, 
returned to Cambridge with his whole division. His appearance excited the great- 
est indignation in the Continental camp, and Enos was looked upon as a traitor for 
thus deserting his companions and endangering the v/liole expedition. He was 
tried by a court-martial, and it being proved that he was short of provisions, and 
that none could be procured in the wilderness, he was acquitted. He was never 
restored in public estimation, however, and soon afterward left the army."— Zoss- 
ing's Field Book of the Revolution, vol.1, p. 192. The statement above made by 
Capt. Thayer would seem to justify the acquital of Colonel Enos, and to remove, 
in part, the opprobrium with which historical writers have clothed his memory. 

t This was Matthias Ogden, who joined the army at Cambridge, and accom- 
panied Arnold through the wilderness. He was wounded at the assault upon 
Quebec. On his return from this expedition he was appointed to the command of 
a regiment, which position he held until the termination of the war. On the 
occurrence of peace, he Avas honored by Congress witli a commission of Brigadier 
General in the army of the United States. General Ogden was distinguisfied for 
his liberality and philanthropy. He died at Elizabethtown, N. J., in the year 1791. 



12 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [1775. 

or conveniency to build ourselves, as we usually had done, 
a Bush hut to pass the tedious night in. 

Oct. 26. — Proceeded over three carrying places, two of them 
small, and the third half a mile, running through a pond 
one-quarter of a mile, and a carrying place as much more ; came 
to another pond and Encamped. 

Oct. 27. — This Day after a cold and frosty night, went over 
this pond and came to another carrying place. This is the 20th 
carrying-place, being three-fourths of a mile, and came to another 
pond and encamp'd. 

Oct. 28. — Past the twenty-first carrying place, and came to 
another small pond, to a carrying place, and then to a pond, 
to a carrying place, and then to a pond, and then came to 
a height of land to another carrying place of four miles and a 
quarter.* It is to be observed here, with such horror, that the 
most ferocious and unnatural hearts must shudder at, when 
knowing the dismal situation of courageous men, solely bent to 
extirpate the tyranny with which the country was influenced, 
taking up some raw-hides, that lay for several Days in the bottom 
of their boats, intended for to make them shoes or moccasins of in 
case of necessity, which they did not then look into so much 
as they did their own preservation, and chopping them to pieces, 
singeing first the hair, afterwards boiling them and living on the 
juice or liquid that they soak'd from it for a considerable time.f 
After such sufi'erings they came to a small rivulet which leads 
into the great Ammeguntick Lake, otherwise Shadeur Pond, 
fourteen miles in length and six Broad. Here our division left all 
the Batteaux But one to carry the sick, if any ; at four o'clock, 

^Oct. 2Sth. " In the morning crossed the heights to Chamliere river. Made 
division of our provisions and ammunition, and marched bacli upon the height and 
encamped. Here I delivered the following sums of money to the following; persons : 
To Col. Greene, .'iOO dollars, to Major Bigelow, 501 do., and paid to Mr. Gatchel 44 
dollars; paid to Mr, Berry £4, Os. lawful money."— Meigs' Journal Nehemiah 
Gatchel and John Home were employed as guides. 

t" Tliey washed their moose-skin moccasins in the river, scraping away the dirt 
and sand with great care. These were brought to the kettle and boiled a consider- 
able time, under the vague but consolatory hope that a mucilage would take place. 
The poor fellows chewed the leather, but it was leather still. They had not received 
food for the last forty-eight hours. Disconsolate and weary we passed the night." 
—Henru's Narrative. 



1775.] CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. 13 

an Express came from Col. Arnold, with intelligence that the 
French were ready to receive us, and that they would supply 
us with Provisions. Glad tidings to People that are brought to 
one pint of flour to Each man, and no more to depend upon. An 
Express pass'd us, going to His Excellency Genl. Washington. 
A pilot was sent to lead us through the woods ; two companies 
of musketry are gone forward, but the three companies of Ri- 
flemen staid with us. This is the tw^enty-fourth carrying place. 
Here we divided our remaining flour Equally in 10 companies 
between the ofiicers and soldiers, the quantity amounting to seven 
Pints Each man, for 7 Days, (expecting to meet the Inhabit- 
ants at that time) which we divided thus daily for our support : 
In the morning a gill for breakfast, half a pint for Dinner, and 
the remaining Gill for supper, which we mix'd up with clear 
water, having no salt, and stirring it up together, laid it on 
the coals to heat a little, after which we nibbled it along our 
journey, without making any halt ;* walk'd about three miles 
and then encamp'd. 

Oct. 29. — We march'd in the front ; the travelling is very 
bad, so that we sunk half leg deep every step, but our Pilot says 
it is better ahead. We lost one man belonging to Capt. Top- 
ham's company who must have inevitably perish'd, to wit : 
Samuel Nichols. We find now that the Pilot knows no more 
the way than the most ignorant of ourselves ; we travelled about 
five miles and encamped. f This night we had the good fortune 
to kill a partridge, of which we made good soup and some supper. 



*" The breakfast and supper were boil'd much like starch; ye dinner Avas some- 
what bak'd on the coals." 

t" Early this morning set out for the head of Chaudiere river. This day we 
suffered greatly by our bateaux passinjr by us, for we had to wade waist high 
through swamps and rivers and breaking ice before us. Here we wandered round 
all day, and came at night to the same place we left in the morning, where we found 
a small dry spot, where we made a fire, and we were obliged to stand up all night 
in order to dry ourselves and keep from freezing."— TTare's Journal in Gen Rea 
Vol VL, p. 131. ' ^' 

Joseph Ware, author of this journal, was the son of Josiah and Dorothy Dewen 
Ware, of Wrentham, Mass. He was bom October 15, 1753, and married Esther Smith 
of Needham. He was a farmer, and followed that occupation till the commence- 
ment of the Revolution, when he entered the army; served through ihe war* was 
at the battles of Concord and Ticonderoga; acted as orderly sergeant and recruiting 
ofllcer. He died Nov. 12, lS05.—Gm. Meg. Vol. VI., p. 148. 



14 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [1775. 

Oct. 80 — Proceeded through a swamp above 6 miles, 
which was pane glass thick frozen, besides the mud being 
half leg deep; got into an alder swamp; steering southerly, 
reach'd a small River which we forded, the water being so 
high that a middle sized man would be arm pit deep in it ; very 
cold and about 3 Kods wide, from whence Ave })roceeded to a 
great eminence and shaped our course N. ^ W. towards ano- 
ther River, being obliged to cross it on a narrow log. Many of 
the men unfortunately fell in. Now, verily, I began to feel con- 
cern'd about the abated situation of the men, having ho more 
than a small share of allowance for 4 Days, in the midst of a 
frightful wilderness, habit'd by ferocious animals of all sorts, 
without the least sign of human trace. At \ after 4, after 
a journey of 13 miles and bad traveling, reached a beautiful 
grove of birch woods, and about 2| miles further, discovered 
to our great satisfaction the tracks of the foremost party, which 
rejoiced our men so much, that they shuddered at the thoughts 
of the long and painful March which they sustained with 
becoming courage, though famished and under the greatest 
inconveniences. Here we encamped at the end of the grove. 

Oct. 31. — Proceeded 6 miles and came in sight of our Boats 
that were wrecked — March'd 6 miles further. But did not come 
up with Col. Arnold as we expected. A man was drowned 
here by the over-setting of the Boat. f 

Nov. 1. Proceeded on our march ; The people are very 
weak and begin to lack in the rear, being so much reduced 
with hunger and cold. Capt. Topham and myself being behind 
spurring on the men as well as we could, tho' the orders were 

t" Pushed ou for Chaudiere with all speed, in hopes of overtal^ing our bateaux 
in order to get some flour, for ours was all expended; hut, to our great grief and 
sorrow, onr bateaux were stove and the flour was lost, and the men barely escaped 
with their lives ; now we were in a miserable situation, not a mouthful of provisions, 
and by account 70 miles from inhabitants, and we had a wilderness, barren and 
destitute of any sustenance to go through, where we expected to suffer hunger, 
cold and fatigue. Here the captain with the ablest men pushed forward, in order 
to get provisions to send back for the sick."— TFare's Journal. " Henry saj'S of 
the Chaudiere, " that for 60 or 70 miles it is a continual rapid, without any apparent 
gap or papsage, even for a canoe. Every boat we put in the river was stove in, one 
part or ether of it. Capt. Morgan lost all his boats, and the life of a much valued 
soldier." — Note on Ware' s Journal, Gen. Reg. VI, p. 142. This man was named 
George iunis.— MeZum. 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 15 

for every man to do for himself as well as he could. We 
observed at a little distance a Sergeant and 10 or 12 men round 
a fire, towards whom we made up, and saw with astonishment 
that the}^ were devouring a Dog between them, and eating 
paunch, Guts and skin, part of which they generously offered 
us, but did not accept of it, thinking that they were more in the 
want of it than what we were at that time.* We pushed on 
and encamp'd 12 miles further, being at that period in the dis- 
tressed situation the remainder were in, and after marching 2 
Days and two nights without the least nourishment, travelino; 
on the shore side, discover'd about 12 o'clock the 3d Day some 
men and horses and cattle making towards us, at which sight 
Oapt. Topham and myself shed tears of joy, in our happy deliv- 
ery from the grasping hand of Death. The Driver was sent 
towards us by Col. Arnold, in order to kill them for our sup- 
port. He desir'd us stop in order that he miglit kill one for us, 
but we desir'd him proceed and not stop until about nightfall, 
and gather together all the men he could find, and kill one 

^Nov, 1. " This day I passed a number of soidiers who had no jTovisions, and 
some that were sick, and not in my power to help or relieve them, exctpt to en- 
courage them."— Meigs. 

"This morning started very early and hunL-ry, and little satisfied wiili our night's 
rest. Travelled all day very briskly, and at night encamped in a mi.-ernbic situa" 
tion. Here we killed a dog, and we made a very great feat-t without either bread 
or salt, we having been 4 or 5 days without any provisions, and we w> nt to sleep 
that night a little better satisfied. Our distress was so great that dollars were 
offered for bits of bread as big as tl'.e palm of one's hand." — Ware's Journal. 

Judge John Joseph Henry, of Pennsyivania, was a private in Smith's company 
of riflemen, and in 1812 his account of the hardships and sufterings of the Expedition 
against Quebec was published. Under date Nov. 2, he says, "Came up with 
some of Thayer's and Topham's men. Coming to their fire, they gave me 
a cup of their broth. A table-spoonful was all that was tasted. It had a greenish 
hue, and was said to be that of a bear. This was instantly known to be untrue, 
from the taste and smell. It was that of a dog. He was a large, black Newiouud- 
land dog, and very fat."— [Note to Ware's Journal.} The aforenamed dog belonged 
to Captain Dearborn, and though a great favorite, was given up and killerl to appease 
the cravings of hunger., "They ate every part of him, not excepting his entrails; 
and after finishing their meal, they collected the bones and carried them to be 
pounded up, and to make broth for another meal. There was but one other dog 
with the detachment. It was small, and had been privately killed and eaten. Old 
Moose-hide breeches were boiled, and then broiled on the coals and eaten. A bar- 
ber's powder bag made a soup in the course of the last three or four days before we 
reached the first settlements in Canada. Many men died of fatigue and hunger 
frequently four or five minutes after making their last effort and sitting down."— 
Letter from Gen. Dearborn in Allen's Biog. Die. 



16 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [I775. 

creature for them to feed on. He inform'd us of klllinoj one 
about 9 miles further for Col. Greene and the men with him, 
to whom we repli'd we would suffer contentedly thus far as we 
had done for the 2 foregoing Days, and expect'd to get some- 
thing from the foregoing party whom we met about 4 o'clock, 
devouring with avidity a calf that was between 3 and 4 months 
gone, and that was taken from the cow that was kill'd a little 
further [on] of which we fortunately got some, and satisfied 
with eagerness our drooping stomachs ;* after which we sat out 
and pass'd three pair of Falls, went one mile and Encamp'd. 
Came to an Indian's hut, and being hungry we call'd for 
victuals ; had none but some few Potatoes, for 8 of which he 
charged us 2 pistareens.f 

Nov. 4. Proceeded and came to a River which we forded, 
and got over without any accidents. Save only myself, when 
stepping from the last stone to the land, accidentally slipp'd and 
fell on the broad of my back, on which occasion I suffer'd 
exceedingly, having my clothes frozen to my back, and a march 
of 5 miles before I could get to any house to warm myself, which 

*** Nov. 2d. This morning when we arose many of us were so weak that we 
could hardly stand, and we staggered about like drunken men. However, we made 
shift to get our packs on, and marched off, hoping to see some inhabitants this 
night. A small stick across the road was sufficient to bring the stoutest to the 
ground. In the evening we came in sight of the cattle coming up the river side, 
which were sent by Col. Arnold, who got in two days before. It was the joyfuUest 
that I ever beheld, and some could not refrain from crying for joy. We were 
told by the men who came with the cattle that we were yet twenty miles from the 
nearest inhabitants. Here we killed a creature, and we had some coarse flour served 
out, straws in it an inch long. Here we made a noble feast, and some of the men 
were so hungry, before the creature was dead, the hide and flesh were on the fire 
broiling."— Ware's Journal. 

" We proceeded till towards mid day, the pale and meagre looks of my compan- 
ions, tottering on their feeble limbs, corresponding with my own. Slipshod and 
tired, I sat down on the end of a log, against which the fire was built, absolutely 
fainting with hunger and fatigue."— f/ewry. 

" Our greatest luxuries now consisted in a little water, stiflfened with flour, in 
imitation of shoemakers' paste, which was christened with the name of Lillip-u. 
Several had been entirely destitute of either meat or bread for many days."— 
Senter's Journal. 

t" At this period several died, and many sickened by excessive indulgence follow- 
ing so suddenly in their previous famine. At this place the army was joined by 
an Indian named Natanis, and his brother Sabatis, and seventeen other Indians, who 
proceeded with them. Natanis had been represented to Arnold as a spy, and orders 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEK's JOURNAL. 17 

liowever happen'cl to be below tbe falls, where we got a little 
repast and paid very dear for it.* 

Nov. 5. — Proceeded, and reach'd another house, where pro- 
visions were procured for the troops. We bought fowls [and] 
refresh'd ourselves. The people were civil, but mighty extrava- 
gant with what they have to sell.f 

Nov. G. — Being in great want of spirits, we happen'd on [a] 
man that lived with the Indians whom we ask'd if he could 
procure us any, to which he answer'd yes, and got 10 of us 1 
gallon of very Bad New England Rum, for which we were 
obliged to pay 10 pistareens. 

Nov. 7. — Col. Greene, being one of 10, order'd Capt. Topham 
and myself to remain there 3 Days, in order to bring up the 
men in the rear, and push off from thence to St. Mary's ; again 
from thence I was sent back to Sartigan by Col. Arnold, in 
order to hire Boats to bring up the invalids. We were well 
treated. The troops were provided for. Even the minister 
was generous eno' to let us have all he could spare. This place 
is well settled, and is good land all to the back mountains, which 
are somewdiat poor. 

Nov. 8. — Major Meigs met me at St. Marys with the 96 
invalids, in order to purchase canoes to help them off, which 
we perform'd, and bought 20. Then Major Meigs left me, 
whom I never saw since,J and had to carry them 30 miles on 



had been given to take him, dead or alive. Tliey had now reason to consider him 
a friend. He was wounded in the attacic on Quebec, and taken prisoner, but soon 
released. This is s^iid to l)e the first employment of the Indians against the English 
in the Revolution."— iVo^e on Ware's Journal, Gen. Reg. Vol. VI., p. 143. 
[See Appendix F.] 

*"iVov. 4. In the morning continued our march. At 11 o'clock arrived at a French 
house, and was hospitably used. This is the first house I saw for 31 days, having 
been that time in a rough, b.arren, uninhabited wilderness, where we never saw hu- 
man being, except our own men. Immediately after our arrival we were supplied 
with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables. This settlement is called 
Sertigan. It lies 25 leagues from Quebec."— i/ei^^s. 

tATou. 5. " Continued our march down the river. The people very hospitable, 
provisions plenty but very dear, milk one shilling sterling per quart, and bread a 
shilling per loaf, weighing no more than 3 pounds. Came this day twelve miles." 
— Ware's Journal. 

tMeaning during the march. 
3 . 



18 



CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 



[1775. 



our Backs, 4* men under each canoe to Point Levi, going 12 
miles without meeting an house, then 15 more, and staid at St. 
Mary's Parish at a lionse near the Chapel of the same name. 
There we dined, and set out again for Point Levi, where we 
arrived about 8 o'clock. There met Col. Arnold and our vol- 
unteers all in good spirits. 

Nov. 9. — This Day the Hunter, Sloop of War, sent her Boat 
on shore for some oars. We saw them and fir'd on them. 
They put off in confusion, and Mr. McKenzie, a Midshipman, 
who was taken and brought to Head Quarters, tried to swim 
off, but an Indian went in alter him and brought him out. He 
strictly adher'd to the old doctrine of War, viz., not to discover 
their weakness. He is but a youth of about 15 years of age, a 
genteel well behaved young lad. 

Nov, 10. — Remain'd, getting some Provisions, &c. We were 
obliged to purchase some Canoes to cross the St. Lawrence, 
because the enemy having timely notice of our approaching, 
order'd them to be destroy'd or taken away, in order to obstruct 
our proceedings, on which occasion Capt. Topham and Company 
was order'd, if possible, to secure them from the Enemy and 
procure some others for convenience. The Enemy had then a 
Sloop of War in the River, the property of Simeon Pease, of 
Rhode Island, and of James Frost, of the same place, who com- 
manded her. 

Nov, 11. — Capt. Hanchet took 6 smiths to make spears. 
Canoes, and hooks for Ladders. Lieut. Savage with a number 
of carpenters, went and made Ladders for scahng ye Walls of 
Quebec. 

Nov. 12. — Capt. Hanchet returned. The same night a coun- 
cil of war was held, whether we Avere to attack or not after 
crossing, being carried in the negative, to the mortification of 
the opposite party, being informed of they having no cannon 
mounted, cartridges made, and even the Gates of the City open. 
Col. Greene, Arnold & the Rhode Island, with some other offi- 
cers, were for the attack. 

Nov. 13. — Continued making Ladders ; receiv'd some favor- 
able accounts from Gen. Montgomery. In the afternoon a 

*16 remaining men not able to do duty. 



1775.] C APT A IN THAYER's JOURNAL. 19 

council of Yf ar was held, wherein it was resolved to cross the 
River at night, which Capt. Topham and I done, but could not 
then bring the whole party over ; however We brought the 
remainder over the second attempt, tho' mighty difficult on 
account of the Enemy lying await of us in the River.* The 
Hunter's Boat rowing down was hail'd by Col. Arnold, myself 
and 4 more, But on her not coming too, we fir'd at her, and 
perceived by ye screaming and dismal lamentations of the crew 
that there were some of them kill'd or wounded. 

Nov. 14. — A boat came to W olfe's Cove with a Carpenter 
& 4 men who were taken by Lieut. Webb. They were un- 
arm'd, and bound up the River for some timber belonging to 
Government that lay in the Cove. They were cai'ried to Head 
Quarters. One of them was a Swiss, of whom we got some 
intelligence ; the others were Canadians. The Enemies sallied 
out and surpris'd one of our sentries, whereon we immediately 
turn'd out our men and marcli'd within 80 Rods of the walls, 
giving 3 Huzzas, and marching in such a manner that they 
could not discover our numbers. They fir'd some Cannon at 
us. But to no Effect. 

Nov. 15. — This Day busy in getting our men in order and 
reo'ulatino; Guards and other Duties. The French seem for the 
most part in our favor. There are some lurking about our 
Camp whom we susj)ect, But don't like to take them for fear of 
aggravating the minds of the People. Last night the English 
troops set Fire to some part of St. John's. f 

*"iVby. 13. In the evening crossed St. Lawrence at the mill above Point Levi, and 
landed at Wolfe's Cove. I went back twice to fetch over the people, and staid till 
day. The town was alarmed by our Colonel firing at a boat in the river. Wc 
went to Major Caldwell's house, about two miles from the city, where wc were 
quartered ; a whole companj- having only one small room."— J/eiui?i. "We began to 
embark our men on board 35 canoes, and at 4 o'clock in the morning we got over 
and landed about 500 men, entirely undiscovered, although two men-of-war were 
stationed to prevent ns."— Meigs. 

t ** On the 15th one of Morgan's lieutenants, with a party, reconnoitered the 
walls. Henry states that Arnold had onl}'- 350 effective men. Lt. Gov. Caldwell's 
well furnished farm house in the suburbs was occupied by the troops. Arnold 
formed his line without musket range in front of the walls, and kept them in posi- 
tion, while a thirty-six pounder of the enemy's opened upon them, and which they 
answered by huzzas. Henry relates that this caused much dissatisfaction in those 
who thought the conduct of Arnold sprung from a vain desire to parade his power 



20 CAPTAIN THAYEIl's JOURNAL. [1775. 

Nov. 16, — We march'd our men in order to take some live 
stock belonging to Government. We post'd near St. John's, 
But iinding none, except a few Yearlings and an old Cow, we 
left a strong guard to cut off the communication with the City 
and returned. 

Nov. 17. — Relieved guards and took two Gentlemen wlio 
were Capt's of the MiUtia in Quebec. They had been out to 
see what Interest they could make in the country. This Morn- 
ing an Express arrived from Brig. Gen. Montgomery with some 
a!:i;reeable news. 

Nov. 18. — This Day being relieving guards at the nunnery, 
Sergt. Dixon had his leg shot oflF by a 12 pounder, and after 
havinii; it cut off, he expired in the agonies he partly went 
tlirough.* 

Nov. 19. — Relieved guards as usual ; then, by desire of Col. 
Arnold, I went and got 4 Boats along the shore, after which I 
cross'd the river in order to bring Back some invalids that were 
left beliind ; in the meantime they holding a council of war, [it] 
was resolved witliout my knowledge, as being then on the other 
side, to decamp, having understood that the Enemy was inform'd 
of their situation, which on my return I found them to my 



before those who had formerly contemned him as a " horse jockey," — for Arnold 
litul in previous year^ traded with the inhabitants, in horses. This parade gave 
Henry "a. eonteinptible opinion of Arnold.'' Gordon, the historian, applauds the 
mar.oeuvte. Amwell, the British histoiian, says their commander killed several. 
Henry says, all the blood spilt that day flowed from Gov. Caldwell's fattened 
cattle."— iVote on Wave's Journal, Gen. Reg. Vol. VI., p. 143. 

''Nov. 15. The commanding officer this day sent into the town a flag, concluding 
that the firing on our flag >esterday was tlirough mistake; but he was treated in 
the same manner as yesterday, on which he returned." — Meigs. 

*This was the first blood shed before Quebec. The casualty occurred on the 16th. 
Sergeant Dixon was from West Hanover, Dauphin Co., Pennsylvania, wJiere he 
possessed a good estate. He held his warrant iu one of the rifle companies, prob- 
ably Smith's. After receiving the fjital shot, " he was conveyed upon a litter to 
the house of an English gentleman, about a mile oft". An amputation took place— 
a tetanus followed, which, about nine o'clock of the ensuing day, ended in the 
dissolution of this honorable citizen and soldier. An anecdote of him is well worthy 
of record, showing, as it does, his patriotic character. The lady of the house where 
he was taken, though not approving of the principles or actions of the Americans, 
was nevertheless very attentive to Dixon, and presented him with a cup of tea, 
which he declined, saying, "No, madam, I cannot take it; it is the ruin of my 
country." Uttering this noble sentiment, he died, sincerely lamented by every one 
who had the opportunity of knowing his virtues."— 7/t;y«y/. 



1775.J CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 21 

great surprise marcliiiig off. We hear likewise tliat tliey were 
to snlly out upon us, with seven field Pieces, at which time 
there was a Frigate that sail'd up the River, which made us 
suspect the report to be true. About o o'clock in the morning 
set out for Point-au-Tremble. 

Nov, 20. — An express arrived from Genl. Montgomery with 
ac'ts that Genl. Carleton quitted Montreal to go to Quebec, 
which he determines to hold out at all events. 

Nov. 21. — Sent an Express to Genl. Montgomery ; Besides 
sent a man over the River, to stop the men that were there. — 
It freezes smartly. Our men are brought to a distrei^s'd situa- 
tion, deficient of all necessaries, and obliged to Jiard Duty. 
Numbers of the men are working at moccasins, but the leather 
proves to be of a bad quality. 

Nov. 22. — The Express we sent to Genl. Montgomery re- 
turned with letters from him. We set a guard of two Lieuts. 
and 40 men over a river and a Bridge between us and Quebec. 
A man belonging to Capt. Topham's company who was suppos'd 
to be starv'd to death, return'd and inform'd us that he and one 
Onley Hart kept together for some time, both sick and wading 
through the rivers. After being 6 days from the height of 
Land, Hart was seized by the cramp and expired shortly after. 
Burdeen and 5 Riflemen left him dead, and shortly after met 
another ; then espied a horse that stray'd away from the man 
that brought us provisions, which they shot, and eat heartily of 
the flesh for 3 or 4 Days, with 7 or 8 more that came up ; by 
which means they fortunately escaped the dismal pangs of Death, 
which they partly endur'd for 7 Days before, not having any 
sort of nourishment but Roots and black birch bark, which they 
boil'd and Drank. He inform'd us of a man and vv^ife, belonging 
to the Battalion of Riflemen being Dead, with 12 more. But 
the woman return'd about 6 weeks afterwards, and left her hus- 
band in the last agonies.* When reflecting on the dismal marches 

* Judge Henry speaks of two women, the wives of soldiers attached to the 
division of the army to which he belonged. Their names deserve preservation for 
the admiration of posterity. " One was tlie wife of Sergeant Grier, a large, virtuous 
and respectable woman." The other was the wife of a private soldier named 
Warner. Judge H. says, in reference to their march throueli the wet country near 
Mcgantic Lake, " Entering the ponds, and breaking the ice here and there with the 



22 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775. 

and tliG famisli'd situation of our troops, it is wonderful how we 
are able to endure the hardships, with such undaunted courage 
and steadfastness ; and were the Cambridge officers to review 
our men at present, they certainly would sooner prefer the Hos- 
pital for them than the field, tlio' recruiting fast, and am willing 
to think, if once cloth'd and refrcsh'd a little, would be as eager 
as ever, tho' many having their constitutions Racked, are in 
such a condition as never to be capable of enduring half what 
tliey have done hitherto. This Place is called Point-au-Tremble. 
The church is dedicated to St. Nicholas. Two of our Volunteers 
began this Day their journey homeward. 

Nov. 23. — Col. Arnold call'd a council of War, to choose a 
committee to examine into the conduct of Col. Enos and his 
detachment. 

Nov, 24. — Had intelligence of 4 arm'd vessels beating up the 
River from Quebec. A Canoe and a Sergeant with 6 men 
were dispatch'd to Gen'l Montgomery with intelligence, who 
was coming to join us with the troops under his command. 

Nov. 25. — The Hunter Sloop of War, in conjunction with a 
Brig and a Schooner, hove in sight and came too off Point-au- 
Tremble. 

Nov. 26. — This Day the above Vessels stood up the River, in 
order to obstruct Gen'l Montgomery and his party from coming 
down. Seven or eight masters of Vessels that came from Que- 
bec brought a proclamation of Gen'l Carleton, the purport of 
which was as follows : that Every man who would not take up 
arms and defend the city should be proclaim'd as traitors to their 
country, and be obliged to depart in 4 Days the district of Que- 
bec, and have their Goods confiscated and their persons liable to 
the Law. The sailors were oblig'd to [do] soldier's duty on 
shore. 



butts of our guns and feet, wc were soon waist deep in mud and water. As is generally 
the case with youths, it came to my mind that a better path might be found than that 
of the more elderlj^ guide. Attempting this, the water in a trice cooling my arm- 
pits, made me gladly return in the file. Now Mrs. Grier had got before me. My 
mind was humbled, yet astonished, at the exertions of this good woman. Her 
clothes more than waist high, she waded on before me to firm ground. No one, 
so long as she was known to us, dared to intimate a disi'espcctful idea of her," 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 23 

Nov. 27. — Our Detachment was orcler'd to hold themselves 
in readiness to march at a moment's warning. Last [night] 
Lieut. Brown was detach'd on some Business and return 'd this 
morning with 4 Cows, 4 Calves, 2 Horses, and a Calash belong- 
ing to the Enemy. 

Nov. 28. — Capt. Goodrich with 2 subalterns, 4 Sergeants and 
64 men, were detach'd to meet Gen. Montgomery's advanced 
guard with necessary stores, &c., and to watch the Vessels ; 
also Capt. Morgan with a like number of men, to go before 
Quebec to watch their motions. Capt. Callwel Burnt His own 
house, in order that we might not have the satisfiction to quarter 
in it, as we had done before, a poor malice tending to his own 
disadvantage. 

Nov. 29. — Snows hard. Major Callwel's clerk was taken 
Prisoner, and confirms the foremention'd intelligence. 

Nov. 30. — Conthiued snowing. The 3 vessels that went from 
Quebec came down the River again, much to our satisfaction. 

Dec. 1. — Intelligence of Gen. Montgomery's sailing down the 
River with 5 Vessels, [which] had 15 Barrels of Powder and 
2 Boxes of Lead. 

Dec. 2. — This Day a Detachment was commanded to oo 
down to Celer's, within a league of Quebec, under command of 
Capt. Hanchet, to carry down the Cannon, artillery, stores, 
and some provisions, in three Batteaux, which he abruptly re- 
fus'd, alleging the Danger of such an undertaking to be too 
imminent ; upon which Col. Arnold sent for Capt. Topham and 
myself, enraged at the refusal of the Connecticut officer, swore 
he would arrest him, and desir'd it as a favor of one of us to 
perform the said command, which we eagerly accepted, and 
turning " head or tail,'' it happen'd to fall to my lot, equally to 
my satisfaction, and vexation of Capt. Topham, who was always 
ready to Encounter the greatest Dangers.* I marched down 

'^"Dec. 2. In the morning I assisted in sending down our rield artillery by land. 
The large cannon are ordered down in battoes, which, when landed, the battocs 
are to go to Point Levi for the scaling ladders."— J/e/^^s. 

" We retraced the route from Quebec. A snow had fallen during the night, and 
continued falling. To march on this snow was a most fatiguing business. By this 
time we had generally furnished ourselves with seal-skin moccasins, which are 
large, and accordiGg to the usage of the country, stuffed with hay or leaves, to keep 



24 CAPTAIN THAYETi'b JOURNAL. [1775. 

to the nunnery, went on board the vessel, and lodg'd. This 
Day Capt. Ogden arrived with stores of all kinds for the soldiers. 
Genl. Montgomery hove in sight; at 9 o'clock came intoPoint- 
au-Tremble. March'd our men to receive him at the shore. 
He received us politely. He is a genteel appearing man, tall 
and slender of make, bald on the Top of his head, resolute 
[word unintelligible] and mild, of an agreeable temper, and a 
virtuous General. 

Dec. 3. — Orders were given to distribute Clothes to the sol- 
diers. I went with the Batteaux which we loaded ; the tide 
serving, towards the evening we cut through the ice for | mile, 
and row'd down 18 miles in the night time, being so cold that 
we strove with the utmost Eagerness to Row, in order to keep 
ourselves from being frozen with cold until we reach'd Celer's. 
Besides, such a prodigious snow-storm rais'd that we separated, 
and could not come up with each other until I order'd some 
guns to be fir'd, by the flashing of which with the utmost diffi- 
culty we rejoined, and immediately making for the shore. The 
Batteaux being heavy and quite frozen, got on the Ground 
amongst Rocks, and the men being very impatient and not will- 
ing to remain there long, jump'd into the river, being up to 
their armpits in the water, and with the utmost difficulty reach'd 
the shore, from whence they brought some horses in order to ena- 
ble me and the remainder to reach it with much less difficulty.* 

Dec. 4. — This morning we landed our guns, &c., and tarried 
there 3 Days in a most disagreeable situation, until relieved the 
9th Day by the York line, detaining such as pass'd, for fear of 
brinoino; intellicrence to the Enemy, who were within 3 miles of 
US at St. Roques. This Day the detachment rec'd orders for 



the feet dry and warm. Every step taken in tlie dry snow, the moccasin having no 
raised Iieel to support the position of the foot, it slipped bade, and thus produced 
great weariness. On this march ihe use of the snow-shoe was very obvious, but we 
were destitute of that article. The evening brought up the riflemen at an extensive 
house in the parish of St. Foix, about three miles from Quebec;. It was inhabited by 
tenants. We took possession of a front parlor on the left, Morgan one on the right, 
Hendricks a back apartment, and the soldiery in the upper parts of the house, and 
some warm out buildings." — Ilennj . 

-'^"Dec. 3d. Major Brown arrived from Sorel. The soldiers drawing their cloth- 
ing."— Mt/r/s. [l^ce Appendix G. for biographical sketches of officers.] 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 25 

marcliing to visit Quebec once more.* 

Dec. 5. — Fair, tliougli cold weather. 
" 6. — Two companies were sent to Beauport to watch the 
motions of the enemy. Capt's Duggen and Smith took a Ves- 
sel and 6 men loaded with Provisions and small stock, besides 
382 Dollars belonging to Government. 

Bee. 1 ^ 8. — Busied in regulating Guards and Quartering 
our men. Order'd three Companies to march forward, amongst 
whom was the Connecticut officer Hanchet, but abruptly refus'd, 
alleging his usual allegations of being too Dangerous, as being 
for the matter of half a mile expos'd to the Cannon of the enemy, 
on which denial Col. Arnold sent for Capts. Tophaim, Hurlbert 
and myself, to which we consented, and were expos'd for 3 
weeks to the most imminent Danger, instances of which I will 
let the curious reader know some. Beino; one mornino; alarm'd 
by the continual firing of the Enemy on our quarters, Capt. 
Topham and myself rising out of Bed had several Balls fir'd 
through onr lodgings ; one particularly went through our bed, 
and pass'd midway between him and myself, without any hurt, 
and clear'd quite through the other end of our Room, to our 
astonishment. Brought 2 Field Pieces to Col. Arnold's Head 
Quarters. 

Dec. 9. — Prepar'd for erecting a Battery. Drafted 100 men 
for fatigue, 100 to cover the Mortars, and 20 for an advanced 
guard. 

Dec. 10. — This Day as soon as the Enemy perceiv'd our Bat- 
tery, made a continual firing all day, throwing some shells. But 
to no Effect. 



*" General orders for all to decamp, and I hired a Frenchman with his charrioll, 
and proceeded to St. Foys, from thence to St. Charles, and took lodtrings at Mr. 
Burrough's. Dec. 5f.h.—l had now orders to take possession of the General Hospi- 
tal for the reception of our sick and wounded. This was an eleo-ant building, situate 
upon St. Charles river, half a mile from St. Roque's gate. A chapel, nunnery, and 
hospital were all under one roof. This building was every way fit for the purpose, 
a fine spacious ward, capable of containing fifty patients, with one fire-place, stoves 
&c. The number of sick was not very considerable at this time; however, they 
soon grew more numerous. The Hospital being in an advanced part of the army, 
I did not think it expedient to assume a residence tlierein as yet. In consequence 
of which I was obUged to visit it daily in open view of the enemy's walls, who 
seldom failed to give me a few shots every time."— Dr. Senter's Journal. 
4 



26 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. U775. 

Dec, 12. — We fir'd a few Shots from our Battery. 
" 13. — Furnisli'd our men with 26 Rounds of Cartrid<2:es. 
" 14. — Fir'd a Ball through our Breastwork, which kill'd 
two men and wounded 5. 

Bee, 15.— We fir'd Briskly on the Town all Day.* 
" 16. — There was a Brisk Cannonading on both sides, 
which obliged Col. Arnold to Quit his Quarters ; had one man 
kill'd. A council of war being held, resolv'd to storm the Town. 
Dec, 17. — A return was made of what Arms our men had. 
" 18. — A General return was made for all the arms and 
ammunition wanting in our detachment. 

Dee. 19. — Busied in deliverino; arms and ammunition to our 
men. 

Dec, 20. — On the same Business. 
" 21. — Nothing worth mentioning-! 
" 24. — Busied in making Cartouches. J 
" 25. — Every Capt. of our Detachment had orders to 
march his Company to Mr. Desvin's, to be reviewed by Genl. 
Montgomery. 

Dec, 26. — Nothing remarkable. 

" 27. — Stormy weather. The men were order'd to hold 

themselves in readiness to storm the Town at the shortest notice. 

About 12 at night, the army being divided according to the 

plan the Gen'l had laid, the Capts. Smith, Topham, Hendrick 

*X>ec. 15. *' At the dawn of day our battery opened upon them, in which was 
mounted five guns, none larger than 12s. The enemy soon followed suit, and the 
fire and re-fire was almost incessant for several hours. In the afternoon a flag of 
truce attempted to go in, hut was ordered back immediately, or be fired upon." — 
Senter's Jownal. 

Bee. 16. " Cannonade from both sides, not so severe as yesterday. A brave 
soldier by the name of Morgan received a grape shot under the lower edge of the 
left scapula, close to the uxila, and went obliquely through both lobes of the lungs. 
Walked more than a mile, with the assistance of a messmate, into the Hospital. 
A superficial dressing was all that could be done, as violent hcnoptoi ensued; con- 
cluded his residence was not long." — Senter's Journal. 

V Dec- 22. Preparation is making, and things seem ripening fast for the assault 
upon the works of Quebec. The blessing of heaven attend the enterprise. This 
evening is celebrated as the anniversary of a happy event or circumstance in my 
life." — Meigs. 

t" Dec. 24. I was on a general Court-martial, Our chaplain, [Rev. Samuel 
Spring,] preached a sermon in the General Hospital, which is exceedingly elegant 
inside, and richly decorated with carvings and gilt wovk."—Mdgs . 



1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 27 

and myself were to attack the upper town under Gen. Mont- 
gomery, whilst the other party would make feint attack on the 
lower town, under Col. Greene. But the Darkness of the 
weather not answering to the General's expectations, was de- 
tained; but [he] favourably countenanc'd our undaunt'd courage, 
and said he was exceeding sorry to have stopp'd the career of 
so Brave men in the expectations they entertain'd in the ensuing 
occasion ; but hoped a more favorable moment should shortly 
answer, in which he was willing to sacrifice his Life in adding 
by any means to the honor of his Brother soldiers and country ; 
But then saw not only the impossibility of his most earnest de- 
sires. But likewise the unhappy fate that should succeed the 
attempt, begging of them in the meantime not to be the least 
dismay'd or dishearten'd ; that the few moments they had to 
draw back were only a true source to add more lustre and Glory 
to their undertakings; adding that, being then their Gen'l and com- 
mon leader, if rushing into the imminent and inevitable Danger he 
foresaw, [he] was.not only answerable to his country, but likewise 
to his merciful Creator, for the lives of liis fellow soldiers, in rashly 
exposing them to ye merciless rage of their common Enemies. 

Dec. 28. — Some of the soldiers took 4 men that refus'd to 
turn out, and led them from place to place with Halters round 
their necks, exposing them to the ridicule of the soldiers, as a 
punishment Due to their effeminate courage, who, after suffering 
in their fatigues to a degree of spirit not as yet known to be equal'd, 
timorously withdrew from the Laurels they were ready to gather. 

Dee. 29. — A number of shells were thrown into the town. 
A file of men were sent into one Drummond's Still House to 
take a man that was suspect'd of giving intelligence to the 
Enemy, of whom one was wounded in bringing him off'. Capt. 
Duggen took another, who carried on for some time a corres- 
pondence with the Enemy. 

Dec. 30. — The Enemy kept up a smart fire all day on St. 
Roques, but Done little or no Damage. This Evening rec'd 
orders that the General determin'd to storm the city this night, 
ordering our men to get their arms in readiness.* It was very 

*The entry here commenced on the 30th, was probably completed the next day, 
without prefixing the proper date. 



28 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1775. 

dark, and snowed. The plan was as follows : Genl. Montgom- 
ery, with the York forces, Was to proceed around Cape Diamond 
and make his attack there. Col. Livingston, with a party of 
Canadians, to make a false attack on the same, and on St. John's 
Gate. An advanced party of 25 men to go to Drummond's 
wharf. Col. Arnold's detachment to attack the lower town in 
the following manner : Capt. Morgan's company in the front, 
with Col. Arnold and Lieut. Col. Greene ; then Capt. Lamb's 
company with one field piece ; then Capt. Dearborn's, Capt. 
Topham's and mine, and Ward's, Bigelow's in the centre, then 
Capt. Smith's, Hendricks', Goodrich's, Hubbard's, and Major 
Meigs' in the Rear.* We were to receive the signal by the 
firing of three sky-rockets to attack, but not observing them soon 
eno', Capt. Dearborn's company, on acct. of being Quartered 
over Charles' river, and the tide being high, did not come up, 
and march'd on without him, imagining he would soon over- 
take us. They fir'd briskly upon us as we pass'd the street for 
the space of half a mile, killing and wounding, numbers of our 
men, of whom was Capt. Hubbard, who died shortly after in 
the hospital of Quebec. 

The front having got lost by a prodigious snow storm, I 
undertook to pilot them, having measur'd the works before, and 
knowing the place. But coming to the Barrier, two field pieces 
played briskly on us that were placed there. But on their 
drawing them back to re-charge, Capt. Morgan and myself 
Quickly advanced through the Ports, seized them with 60 men 
rank and file, which was their main guard, and made Prisoners.! 

*Capt. Lamb's company were York artillerists. Morgan's were tlie celebrated 
Virginia Rangers. Smith's and Hendricks' were from Lancaster and Cumberland 
counties, Pennsylvania. Henry thus describes their dress : " Each man of the 
three companies bore a rifle barreled gun, a tomahawk, or small axe, and a long 
knife, usually called a scalping knife, which served for all purposes in the woods. 
His under-dress, by no means in a military style, was covered by a deep a'^h-colored 
hunting-shirt, leggins, and mocassins, if the latter could be procured. It was a silly 
fashion of those times for riflemen to ape the manners of savages." " The Cana- 
dians who first saw these [men] emerge from the woods, said they were t'e^wm toile 
—clothed in linen. The word toile was changed to tole, iron plate. By a mistake 
of a single word the fears of the people were greatly increased, for the news spread 
that the mysterious army that descended from the wilderness was clad in sheet iron.'' 
— Lossinffs Field Book J. j). I'J.'j. 

tSce Appendix 11. 



1775.1 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 29 

Immediately afterwards, advancing towards a Picket, tliat lay 
further up the street, where there was a company of the most 
responsible citizens of Quebec, found their Capt. Drunk, took 
them likewise Prisoners, and taking their dry arms for our own 
use, and laying ours up in order to dry them, being wet, and 
advancing, by which time our whole party got into the first 
Barrier. We rallied our men, and strove to scale the second. 
Notwithstanding their utmost efforts, we got some of our ladders 
up, but were oblig'd to retreat, our arms being wet, and scarcely 
one in ten would fire ; whereon some did retreat back to the 
first Barrier we had taken, and when Ave came there we found 
we could not retreat without exposing ourselves to the most 
imminent Dangers. 

We had kill'd in our detachment Capt. Hendricks, Lieut. 
Cooper & Lieut. Humphreys, with a number of Privates, 
and in Genl. Montgomery's party there was kill'd the Brave 
and much to be lamented Genl. Montgomery,* and his aid-de- 
camp McPherson,.Capt. Cheeseman, and some Privates. Col. 
Campbell then took the command, and order'd a retreat, so that 
the force of the Gan^ison came upon us. Capt. Lamb was 
wounded. There was no possibility of retreating, and they 
promising us good quarters, we surrender'd. Col. Arnold beino* 
wounded in the beginning of the action, was carried to the 
General Hospital. The number of us that did not retreat, 
amongst whom Were Col. Greene, Capt. Morgan, and a num- 
ber of other officers and myself, with a number of Privates, after 
passing the first Barrier, having been for upwards of 4 hours 
victorious of the Lower town, in fact, and had about 130 prison- 
ers in our possession, fell unhappily the victims of them that a 
little while before felt the same dismal fate with ourselves, which 
thinking were the only [ones,] But to our great surprise, on 
our coming into the upper town as prisoners, we found Capt. 
Dearborn and company, who miss'd his way and advanced to 
the palace gate, unfortunately, and to our astonishment, felt the 
same fate 4 hours before. 

*" A drunken sailor returned to his gun, swearing he would not forsake it while 
undischarged. This fact is related from the testimony of the guard on the morning 
of our capture, some of those sailors being our guard. Applying the match, this 
single discbarge deprived us of our excellent comm'dndei:"— Henry. 



30 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [1775. 

It is much to be lamented the sad exit of this brave volunteer 
d3tachment, who, exposing their lives in the Common Cause of 
their Country, marching thro' wildernesses, sometimes the 
Tempest summoning all the forces of the air, and pouring itself 
from the angry north, now scaling the rolling mountains, Shoot- 
ing with impetuosity into the yawning gulfs, struggling thro' 
the forest boughs frightful eno' to terrify the most savage nations. 
Now the inhabitants of the forest forsake their Dens ; a thousand 
grim forms, a thousand growling monsters pace the Dessert, 
Death in their jaws, while stung with hunger and a thirst for 
blood. In this situation, we trembling with cold and famish'd 
nerves, we reach deserts not less terrifying than those we past. 
The more we advance, the fewer we are in number, for the 
strength of our Limbs was hardly able to support the weakness 
of our Body. Nay, even in this situation, some of our party 
who were not willing to expose themselves further. Earnestly 
wish'd we would return home with them. But no, we despised 
their temerity and effeminate courage, and proceeded for our 
destined place, contrary to their expectations, where at length 
we arrived, promising ourselves shortly the fruits of our Labor ; 
But, alas, fell the victims of merciless misery. Let us consider 
what doleful recompence ; instead of being regaled with the 
fruits of unwearied labor, we imagine our houses ransack'd, and 
our Villages plundered. We might behold our cities encom- 
pass'd with armies, and our fruitful fields cloth'd with desolation, 
or have been more frightfully shock'd at the images of slaughter 
instead of peace, with her imperial scale securing our goods, and 
the cheering olives sheltering our abodes, persecution brandish- 
ing her sword, and slavery clanking her chains. But then we 
suffer'd, promising ourselves after some time the agreeable hopes 
of victory, wishing an overthrow of the united forces of intestine 
treason and foreign invasion, which finally happen'd, and pours 
joy through the present age, and will transmit its influence to 
generations yet unborn. Are not all the blessings that can 
endear society or render life itself desirable, center'd in our 
present constitution ? And were they all not struck at by that 
impious and horrid blow meditated by our friends and relatives 
in our Mother country, and seconded by factious spirits at home ? 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 31 

Who, then, can be sufficiently thankful for the gracious inter- 
position of Providence, which has not only averted the impend- 
ing ruin, but turn'd it with aggravating confusion on the authors 
of our troubles. 

Liberty, that Dearest of names, and property, the best of 
Charters, gave an additional desire to extirpate the malignant 
root of Arbitrary power. But supposing the reverse should 
have befallen us, how could we expect a mitigation of their 
severity, or the tender mercies of a self thought injured King to 
have been less merciful. Besides, where should have been the 
encouragement to cultivate our little portion, or what pleasure 
could arise from an improved spot, if both the one and the other 
lay every moment at the mercy of lawless power. This embit- 
tering circumstance would spoil their relish, and, by rendering 
them a precarious, would render them a joyless acquisition. In 
vain might the vine spread her purple clusters, in vain be lavish 
of her generous juices, if tyranny, like a ravenous Harpy, should 
be always hovering over the bowl, and ready to snatch it from 
the lip of industry. 

Jan. 1, 1776. — The officers that were taken with myself at Que- 
bec, viz., Lieut. Col. Greene ; Majors Bigelow and Meigs; Capts. 
Morgan, Goodrich, Lockwood, Oswald, Topham, Thayre, Ward, 
Dearborn, Lamb, Hanchet & Hubbard, who died of his wounds ; 
Adjutant Steele, Volunteers Duncan, McGuire and Porterfield, 
Lieuts. Heath, O'Brian, Savage, Compston, Brown, Gisdale,* 
Clark, Humphrey, Webb, Slocum, Shaw, Andrews, Hutchins, 
Thomas & Nichols, Lieut. McDougall ; Adjutant Nebegry, & 
Chattin, Quartermaster, were altogether imprisoned on the first 
of January, being a bad method to begin the new year. How- 
ever, there was nothing to be done but strive to content ourselves 
as well as time and place affijrded us.f 

* Written Tisdale in the list of oflScers. 

t" January ye 1st, 177b, We had a straw bed between two, and a blanket each man 
served ns. — Melvin. Our allowance of provisions is one pound of bread, and a 
half pound of pork, and one gill of rice for a day, and 6 oz. of butter for a week.— 
2d. In prison. This day we had a cask of porter sent us by some gentlemen of the 
town." — Ware's Journal. " Henry says that the mei-chants obtained General Carle- 
ton's leave to make them [the prisoners] a New Year's present. It was a large 
butt of porter, wiih a due quantity of bread and cheese. They shared more than a 
pint a man !" — Note on Wai^e's Journal. 



32 CAPTAIN THAYEH'S JOURNAL. [1776. 

Jan. 2. — Major Meigs was allow'cl to go out on his parole 
and get our Baggage, and to return on Friday. We were 
visited by the officers of the Garrison. 

Jan. 3. — By consent of the General, Doct. Bullen came and 
Innoculated 16 of us ; 3 had it the natural way, of whom one 
Died. Again visited by the officers of the garrison. 

Jan^y 4. — Major Meigs return'd with the Baggage. 

" 5. — We had Liberty to visit the officers that were not 
innoculated, on acct. of their having it before, which made our 
situation more agreeable, But could not keep a regular journal 
any longer, the General having order'd us to be depriv'd of our 
Pens & ink, &c.* We were lodg'd in two separate Rooms. 
But on one Mr. Hutchins saying that there were a number of 
our men outside, in the hearing of one of the sentries, we were 
instantly oblig'd to lodge in one Room, which was very disa- 
greeable, as some of us were ill, besides being 36 officers of us, 
and 3 boys, in a small room about 30 foot square ; thus continu- 
ino-, having Daily a field officer to visit us.f After Capt. Lamb 
return'd from the Hospital, the Barrier was alter'd further back, 
and we were allow'd 2 small rooms for 12 of us to sleep in, 
which prov'd exceeding satisfactory. Continuing in this Lament- 
able situation for some time, and seeing no hopes of relief, we 
unanimously resolv'd to make our escape if possible. Accord- 
ingly we curried the favor of one of the sentinels, who we found 
willin<T^ to be of our part)^, having inform'd us of the situation of 
the Garrison, the strength of our forces, and the General's name. 
Li consequence, J amongst the number of officers Capt. Lockwood 



*" Jan. 9. Very dark weather and snowed. Some more taken with the small pox, 
and we expect it will he a general disorder, for we are very thick, nasty and lousy. 
Our living is salt pork, biscuit, rice and butter, and a sufficiency allowed if Ave were 
not checked in our weight by one Dewey, who is appointed our quartermaster ser- 
geant, to deal out our provision. We have not above three oz. of pork a day, and 
not half a pint of rice, and two biscuit a day."— ifefem. 

t ''Feb. 16. One of our men named Parrot, put in irons for calling one of the 
emigrants a tory. Our army opened a battery." — Melvin. 

tUnder date March "30th to 31st," Ware says, " Most of the prisoners consulted 
together to break out of prison, to try their best to take the town." Their plan 
was frustrated by noise made while cutting away ice at the cellar door, and by one 
of their number turning informer. Their room and packs were searched for arms 
and ammunition, without discovering any, and the prisoners were then put in 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 33 

and myself were pitch'd upon to make our Escape. Accordingly 
we sounded Joe^ (who we shall name the above sentinel,) and 
found him desirous to assist us as much as laid in his power. 
He furnish'd us with clubs apiece, and answering the couiiter- 
sign, we were to pass out of the chamber window, 4 stories high, 
by the means of our blankets tied together, expecting the signal 
from Joe, which was to be observed by 3 claps on the breach of 
his gun, and an Equal number of siffling thro' his fingers, which 
was partly done for three succeeding nights, but unfortunately 
hinder'd by the means of the patrols, who were continually 
watchincr, or some others not less interestino;.* 

Finding, with the utmost regret, that our plan was not seem- 
ingly to answer our expectations, we meditated another not less 
dangerous, which was as follows : By cutting off the planks 
which were spik'd on the Door, we could pass to the garret 
thro' a dormant window ; from thence by the means of a ladder 
and a jump of about 14 foot into the yard, where we were to 
meet Joe arm'd with his Gun and sufficient clubs to furnish us 
with, and make towards the sentinels, who were 4 in number, 
who we intended passing by the means of the countersign that 
Joe had ; but then on the least suspicion were resolved that they 
should not obstruct us, and push our way to the Sally Port, 
from whence we were to leap about 30 foot down into the snow, 
standing then about 6 foot high, and make immediately to our 
own men, who were not far distant. But to our mortification, 
all our intended hopes proved only false illusions. When think- 
ing ourselves at liberty we were the farther from it ; for on the 

*' strong irons." To carry out the enterprise of escape, Joseph Ashton, a sergeant 
in Capt. Lamb's company, was chosen leader, with a full compliment of subordinate 
officers. Henry says, "they were divided into two detachments, one to attack the 
guard house, the other the gate, when they were to turn the cannon upon the town. 
They intended to make the sally by the cellar door, and the officers had planned 
that the ice should be removed silently with their long knives, on the night of their 
rising. One of their number escaped to the army without, and gave notice to them 
to act in concert. By artifices they had procured a small supply of powder from 
the sentries, for matches, &c." [See Appendix I.] The person who gave the 
whole secret of the plot was an English deserter, who had joined the camp at Cam- 
bridge. His name was John Hail. 

*"il/arcA 17. The guard set over us are old Frenchmen and boys, who are very 
saucy, telling us we shall be hanged; pointing their bayonets at us; threatening to 
shoot us for opening a window, or any such trifle." — Melvin. 
5 



34 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776. 

26tli of April, all things being ready for the Event, lopen'd the 
door and went up to the Garret to make some necessary obser- 
vations. I perceived that the door open'd With difficulty, and 
taking my knife to cut some more of the boards, to have it open 
with less difficulty, Mr. Lockwood standing in the gangway to 
notify me of any persons coming, observed the officer of the 
guard advancing towards us, who was Earlier inform'd of the 
fact, and finding the door open'd and ye planks unspiked, fol- 
lowed me into a separate room, enquiring my motive for acting 
so, and who were concerned with me ; to which I replied that 
there were none but myself, and that my sole motive was only 
to go up to the garret to view the town and forces around it, as 
being a more convenient place than any other I knew of. He 
said that it was impossible for me to perform such a difficult 
work without the rest, or at least some of them being privy to it. 
To which I candidly answered, that I never work'd at it only 
when they were out of the way; besides, the place being so 
exceeding dark that they could not notice me, working Daily 
and leisurely at it for two months. On which confession he 
lock'd us all up together in one Room, and inform'd Col. 
McLane, the commanding officer, of it, who after a short inter- 
val return'd, accompanied by some officers and a guard ; at 
which my Brother officers and Prisoners were greatly alarm'd, 
and earnestly show'd & desir'd to undergo the same fate with 
myself. But I told them that it was better for one to suffi^r 
than such a number, & that I was solely bent to undergo what- 
ever was allotted me, & taking my leave of them I was committed 
to the care of a Capt. of the Main guard for some time, & a 
little after to the care of a Captain of the Provost, who treated 
me generously, from whence I was carried the next morning at 
9 o'clock by the guard board a schooner, carrying 9 6-pounders 
& 36 men, & closely kept in the hold, both handcuffed & ironed, 
lying on a plank in the turnkling of a cable, being 2|- foot frozen, 
and no more room to walk in than 2J steps, & the deck so low 
that I was obliged to keep myself always stoop'd, & my irons 
being so small that my wrists were striped & swell'd ; so that 
after some Days sufferings, and on my continual complaining, 
the smith at length came, who was obliged to cut them and 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 35 

replace them with larger ones.* On the 30th, to my surprise, 
Capts. Lock wood & Hanchet were detected in inquiring of Joe 
some particulars concerning me & where I was, for they were 
ignorant of my destiny ; & on Joe's discovering everything from 
the very beginning until then, to the officer, he was sent to 
England on board of a ship, & the Capts. to accompany me, 
where we remain'd in the most lamentable situation until the 
6th of May, in the afternoon, being the Day the fleet arrived 
from England ; from whence we were sent back to our former 
Prison, where we found our Brother officers in the same Situa- 
tion as we left them. 

Mai/ 6. — Last night we heard some guns fired down the 
River, and in the morning saw a frigate coming up to Point 
Levi, keeping a constant firing, on which the Garrison fir'd into 
the river, to let them know they were in possession of the place, 
on which she came up and saluted the Garrison. About 10 
o'clock a 50 Gun ship came up, Capt. Douglass commander, & 
saluted ; likewise a 14 Gun sloop with some troops, who, with 
those already in the fort, sallied out, and our men retreated with 
such precipitation that they left their cannon, stores, ammunition, 
and even the General's Coat and Dinner, behind. f In the 
Evening, a small sloop went down the River with Pilots for 
the fleet that is expected. A frigate and a sloop of war went 
up the RJver to take some Vessels from our People. They took 
a sloop & a Brig which our people had scuttled and left. Lieut. 
McDougal & three men were taken in a schooner with 13 Bar- 
rels of Powder. 

May 7. — Brigade Major LeMatre was sent by Genl. Carleton 
to let us know that he intended henceforth to use us with as 
much humanity as lay in his power, and hop'd we would make 
Good use of it. We had ao^ain the Liberty to walk in the 



^"April 14.— Major McKonzi.e came in and took Capt. Morgan's company out of 
irons." — Melvin. 

t" This morning 3 ships came in with a re-inforcement of about one thousand 
men. All the bells in the town rang for joy most of the day. Then all the forces 
in the town marched out on Abraham's Plains to have a battle with our people, but 
they retreated as fast as possible, and left a number of sick in the hospital. Like- 
wise some of their cannon and ammunition, with a number of small arms and 
packs."— TFare's Journal. 



36 CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. [me. 

passage, of wliich we had been debarred for some time. We 
were, this afternoon, Visited by Lord Petersham & Major 
Carleton. He is genteel, poHte and humane. Caldwell was 
expressing himself in his sneering, customary Way, mentioning 
that he suffered much by our People, on which Maj. Carleton 
reproved him in these words : " You should not say anything 
disagreeable to them in their unfortunate situation. You must 
consider us all as Brothers." He said there were numbers of 
Hessians and Hanoverians coming to America. 

Mcf^ 8. — The remainder of the 29th Regiment and some of 
the Artillery arrived. We were visited by the officers, who 
enquired for the Troops that were taken at St. John's, &c. 

Mai/ 9. — Were visited by some officers of the 29th regiment, 
especially a very polite gentleman, a Lieut, of Grenadiers. A 
small schooner came up. They have men out Daily to pick up 
the sick men our people left behind. They have taken a great 
number of papers, among which was an Orderly book. This 
Day was taken Lieuts. Randall & Stephen McDougal on board 
the schooner Mary. By the news he brings we are in hopes 
things are not so bad as the people of the Garrison reported. 
However, I think it is bad Enough. 

Ma^/ 10. — Two transports came up from Halifax with Pro- 
visions and part of the 47th Regiment.* 

Mai/ 11. — Were visited by Col. McLane and othej" officers, 
and were allowed to walk in the garden. Major Carleton visited 
us, and said that there were 55000 men designed for America 
this summer. We desir'd him to obtain liberty for our servants 
to cook for us, which he promised to do. 

May 12. — This day he brought us an answer that we might 
walk in the garden. Two transports arrived with troops. 

Mai/ 13. — We are this Day indulged more than common, and 
allowed to go up stairs as often as we please. A Brig came too 
off Beauport. 



*"3fay 10. Two riflemen were taken out of jaol; we don't know on what terms. 
Same day two Jersey dumpling eaters were brought in; they were found among 
the bushes, not having tried to make their escape, being too heavy laden with 
dumplings and pork, having forty pounds of pork, a Ijnapsack full of dumplings, 
and a quantity of fiom."—Melvin. 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 3Y 

May 14. — About 9 o'clock a broad pendant was ' hoisted 
aboard the Isis man of war of 50 guns. Was saluted by all the 
Ships in the Harbor, and returned 15 Guns. On the main top- 
mast head was hoisted a white pendant, and a pendant on her 
ensign staflF. The Garrison saluted with 15 guns. In the after- 
noon a frigate went down the River. At night an armed 
schooner went up the River. Major Meigs went out with Doc- 
tor Mahon to get Mr. Monroe to supply us. He has obtained 
the General's promise of going home on his parole. We have 
had fair weather, except now and then a shower. The tide has 
risen here from 19 to 22 feet with an easterly wind, & from 16 
to 19 with a westerly. The wind in the spring blows from 
eastward to northward, with showers of rain. It is very com- 
mon for it to rain one half hour, and suddenly clear up. They 
continue to lock us up every night as yet. 

May 15. — This Day we were once more allowed to use our 
pens and Ink, having had none but a few pencils undiscovered, 
by which means we kept our journals. Major Meigs was call'd 
upon by the General, and promised to go off in a few Days to 
Halifax on his way home. 

May 16. — This day the Hunter Sloop of war sail'd for Eng- 
land with dispatches, in which went passengers Capt, Hamble- 
don & Major Caldwell & his family. We had liberty to write 
letters by Major Meigs, provided we wrote nothing concerning 
the Garrison. 

May 17. — Lieut. Born carried our letters to Col. McLane to 
be examined. A small Sloop came up. Major Meigs had 
liberty to walk the town until 4 o'clock. Mr. Laveris came 
and informed Capt. Dearborn that he had obtained liberty for 
him to go home on his parole, & that he must get ready to go 
on board immediately. In the Evening they took their leave of 
us, & went on board the schooner Magdalen. 

May 18. — About ten o'clock they set sail for Halifax. 
" 19. — Saw a Sloop of War come down, & the Commodore 
came down about noon and saluted. There were a number of 
officers walking in the Garden, one of them not above 15 years 
of age. The Drummers of the 29tli Regiment are Blacks, & 
the band wear red feathers in their hats, and look very neat. 



38 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776. 

Ma?/ '20. — Doctor Maben visited Mr. Porterfield, a sick vol- 
unteer, and told him he would endeavor to get him a parole to 
go home. We were allowed two small Rooms for part to lodge 
in, to our great satisfaction. 

31ai/21. — General Carleton went up the River with 3 Vessels, 
in order if possible to drive our Army out of Canada. The 
ships and Garrison saluted the General at his departure. A 
Canadian told us that the 8th Regiment, which lay at Detroit, 
fort Hannicks & Swagocha, with about 500 Indians, were down 
within 9 miles of Montreal, to a place called Lasheen, where 
they had an engagement, — kill'd and wounded 150 of our men ; 
to which report we can hardly give any credit. 

May 22. — We were told by one Capt. McDougal that the 
Virginians laid down their arms, and that there are more in the 
Interest of Government than in the Interest of Liberty, which 
does not seem probable. We hear that Montreal is taken. 

May 27. — Some ships and transports came up, and were 
order'd immediately for Montreal. 

3Iay 31. — Last night after 12 o'clock we heard the sentry 
hail 3 times & fir'd, on which occasion we looked out and saw 
the guard searching for the object, which we believed was no 
more than conceit, or rather a trap laid by some of our Enemies, 
that we might be more closely kept. 

June . — 4 ships came up, the Intent of which is, as I con- 
ceive, to offer terms of reconcilliation with the sword at the 
breast of the Americans. This Army consists of Britains, Irish, 
Hanoverians, Hessians, &c. Oh I Britain, Britain, how art 
thou fallen, that thou dost hire Foreigners to cut thine offspring's 
throats ! 19 more ships came up. We were visited by some 
Hessian officers. 6 more ships came up in the Evening. The 
ships are to go up the River with the troops to give the Provin- 
cials battle. 

June 5. — We hear that the Indians under the command of 
Capt. Foster, took a number of the Provincials prisoners, and 
made them promise never to take up arms against the King 
again, and that they should [send] back as many of the King's 
troops as there is of them in the way of exchange. They kept 
several officers as hostages. They told them, with hatchet at 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 39 

their heads, that they would suffer immediate Death if they [did] 
not comply with their promise. They bored their Ears, that 
they might know them again. 

June 6. — We learn that his Excellency proposed to our men 
to swear allegiance to the king, and that he would send them 
home. They are almost naked, and very Lousy & full of the 
scurvy, many of them unable to Walk, being lame in their knees 
lying so long in an unwholesome place ; all salt provisions, the 
weather very cold and but little or no fire, & 30 in a Koom 
about 12 foot square. But were before much closer confined, 
being about 6 months imprison'd, without money or friends to 
assist them, But enemies continually threatening, scoffing and 
abusing them, calling them Rebels, cut-throats, traitors, robbers, 
murderers, and deluded fools. This was Major Caldwell's lan- 
guage & some others to them. They have not sworn yet, and 
what they intend doing is uncertain. By what I can learn, they 
must either swear or die, if they remain much longer in tliis 
Dungeon.* 

*"Jwne 5. This day General Carlton with a number of his officers came to see us, 
and enquired of us whether we had fared as well as they promised us we should 
when we were taken. We told him we fared very well. He said he did not take 
us as enemies, & likewise said if he could rely upon our honors, he would send us 
to New England, if we would be quiet and peaceable, and not take up arms any 
more. 

" June ye Qth, A. D. 1776. A copy of an answer sent to Gen'l Carlton. 

May it please tour Excellency : 
We, the prisoners in His Majesty's goals, return your Excellency our most 
happy and unfeigned thanks for your clemency and goodness to us whilst in impris- 
onment. Being sensible of your humanity, we give your Excellency thanks for 
your offer made us yesterday, and having a desire to return to our friends and 
families again, we promise not to take up arms against His Majesty, but remain 
peaceable and quiet in our respective places of abode, and we further assure your 
Excellency that you may depend on our fidelity. 

So we remain your Excellency's humble servants, 
Signed in behalf cf the prisoners. 

August ith. The General sent for all the prisoners to come in who were out in 
the country at work, that were minded to go home. 

5th. This day ninety-five prisoners embarked on board the ship. 

Ith. This day the men all in good spirits, and embarked on board the ships. 
Sixty of the prisoners on board the Mermaid. 

llih. This morning the signal was given for sailing. Weighed anchor and went 
down about one mile. At night weighed anchor and went down the river tliirteen 
miles. The weather cold and stormy. 

Sept. 6th. We were informed by the shipmen, according to reckoning, that we 
were in the latitude of Philadelphia, Latitude 39'^ North." — Ware's Journal. 



40 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776. 

June 7. — We addressed the General with the following Peti- 
tion, in order that he might grant us a Parole to go home, But 
rec'd no answer as yet. 

May it please your Excellency : 

Impressed with a deep sense of your Excellency's humanity 
and benevolence, & urged by the peculiarity of our present dis- 
agreeable situation, being destitute of both friends & money, we 
beg leave that your Excellency will condescend to take our case 
into consideration, & grant us relief by permitting us to return 
to our respective homes on our Parole, which we shall ever 
deem sacred, assuring your Excellency that we shall make it a 
point to surrender ourselves to any of His Majesty's Officers, 
when and where your Excellency may think proper to direct. 
Being likewise sensibly touched with the state of our men who 
remain prisoners at present, we take the liberty to recommend 
them to your Excellency's consideration, earnestly soliciting 
that some measures may be taken for their relief; & we should 
be extremely happy if they could possibly return to their fami- 
lies, many of whom must be reduced to the greatest distress. 
Your Excellency's compliance will be esteem'd a singular favor, 
& ever greatly acknowledged by 

Your Excellency's Most obedient & very 

Humble servants. 

[This petition is also contained in a small memorandum book 
kept by Captain Thayer, and is in his hand writing. Attached 
to it are the following names : The heading of the list is, 
" Officers taken December 31, 1775." The names are inserted 
here, though without positive evidence that they constituted a 
part of the petition, e. m. s.] 



Names. 


Col. or Provinces. 


Town or County. 


Commissions. 


Christopher Greene, 


Rhode Island, 


Warwick, 


Lieut. Colonel. 


Timothy Bigelow, 


Massachusetts, 


Worcester, 


Major. 


Return Jonth'n Meigs, 


Connecticut, 


Middleton, 


Major. 


Daniel Morgan, 


Virginia, 


Frederick Co., 


Captain. 


Will'm Goodrich, 


Massachusetts, 


G't Barrington 


, Captain. 


Samuel Lockwood, 


Connecticut, 


Greenwich, 


Capt. 


Eleazer Oswald, 


do. 


New Haven, 


Capt. Volunteer. 


John Topham, 


Rhode Island, 


Newport, 


Capt. 



1776.] 



CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 



41 



Names. C 


'oZ. or Provinces. 1 


%wn or County. 


Commissions. 


Simeon Thayre, 


Rhode Island, 


Providence, 


Capt. 


Samuel Ward, 


do. 


■Westerly, 


Capt. 


Jonas Hubbard, 


Massachusetts, 


Worcester, 


Capt., dj^'d of his 


Henry Dearborn, 


New Hampshire, 


E. Nottingham 


I, Capt. [wounds. 


*Jolm Lamb, 


New York, 


City, 


Capt. 


Oliver Hanchet, 


Connecticut, 


Suffleld, 


Capt. 


Archibald Steele, 


Pennsylvania, 


Lancaster, 


Adjutant & Lieut. 


Matthew Dnnean, 


do. 


Philadelphia, 


Volunteer. 


William Heath, [Heth,] 


Virginia, 


Frederick Co., 


Lieutenant. 


Peter O'Brien Bruen, 


do. 


do. 


Lieutenant. 


John M'Guire, 


do. 


do. 


Volunteer. 


Charles Porierfield, 


do. 


do. 


Volunteer. 


Abijah Savage, 


Connecticut, 


Middleton, 


Lieutenant. 


John Compston, 


Massachusetts, 


Sawco, 


Lieut. 


Samuel Brown, 


do. 


Acton, 


Lieut. 


James Tisdale, 


do. 


Med field, 


Lieut. 


John Clark, 


do. 


Hadley, 


Lieut. 


Will'm Humphrey, 


Rhode Island, 


Providence, 


Lieut. 


James Webb, 


do. 


Newport, 


Lieut. 


Edward Slocum, 


do. 


Tiverton, 


Lieut. 


Sylvanus Shaw, 


do. 


Nev/port, 


Lieut. 


Ammi Andrews, 


New Hampshire, 


Hillsborough, 


Lieut. 


Nath'l Hutchins, 


do. 


Dunbarton, 


Lieut. 


Joseph Thomas, 


do. 


Deerfield, 


Lieut. 


Francis Nichols, 


Pennsylvania, 


Cumberl'nd Co. Lieut, 


Randolph S. M'Dougal, 


New York, 


City, 


Lieut. May 7, 1776. 


Christian Phebeger, 


Denm'rk kingdom City Cop'hage 


n Adjutant. 


Benjamin Chatlin, 


Connecticut, 


Wethersfield, 


Quartermaster. 



The answer to the above petition was, that he could not grant 
it with propriety. We hear that the Provincials have taken the 
8th Regiment, and that there are great divisions in Great 
Britain concerning American affairs. We wrote a second peti- 
tion to the General, but what will be the eifect of it w^e cannot 
tell. We saw some of our men who had taken the oath ; they 
looked very pale. We hear that a considerable number of them 
lost the use of their limbs. We have received an answer to our 
last Petition, viz : that we may go home on our parole. 

June 9. — We are informed that Gen'l Washino-ton has taken 
Bunker's Hill, with 1500 prisoners. 

June 14. — Nothing remarkable until the 14th, when we heard 
that the Provincials have kilFd 50 of the Hessians, & sunk three 
of their ships that attempted to pass our works at Sorell, & that 
Philadelphia is beseiged by the King's troops. 

June 16. — We hear of two skirmishes, in which a considerable 
6 



42 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776. 

namber of men has been slain at or near Sorell. Gen'l Thomp- 
son and his aid-cle-camp were taken. 

June 19. — A shower of Hail, the Stones of which were as 
large as walnuts. A woman was kill'd by the Lightning. 

June 23. — The Provincials have Burnt Fort Chambelee, and 
retreated to St. John's. It is reported they are from 800 to 
7000 in number. 

June 24. — The Hon. Lieut. Governor made us a present of a 
gall. rum. Two vessels came down the river with the prisoners 
taken at St. John's, Chambelee, &c. 

June 26. — We hear that the 12 United Provinces declared 
themselves independant, & have sent to France for assistance ; 
also that they received a great Quantity of ammunition & 6000 
stand of arms from them. 

June 27. — Two vessels came up & saluted, which was returned 
by the Commodore ; we are prohibited from going to the walls 
of the oarden, for what reasons I don't know. 

July 4. — Nothing remarkable until the 4th, when we hear 
that Gen'l Carleton has sent for all the troops that can be spared 
to pass Lake Champlain. 4 Provincial Officers informed us of 
their being taken by the Lidians, viz: that they and 4 more 
officers & 3 soldiers went fishing, and that they crossed the 
river, to go to a house to get some Beer ; unfortunately were 
not armed, thinking themselves secure from Danger ; they soon 
heard the boy halloo, and running out to see the occasion, they 
were lir'd on by 13 Indians ; they tried to get off the Boat, but 
before they got it off they kill'd one officer and wounded another ; 
they then ran down upon them, when two found means to 
escape. They took five officers alive, one of which they toma- 
hawk'd, and scalp'd. The 2 officers took oft with those that 
they did not kill. The}^ tied them round the necks with their 
Belts, and made them run before them about a mile. They 
stopped and halloed for their comrades, & paraded them to show 
the great feats they had done ; they sat out again, & night com- 
ing on, they made them lie on their backs, and tied them down,- 
& lying on the ends of their Belts they went to Sleep. In the 
morning they set out again. One of the Indians Snapp'd his 
Gun at Wm. McFarlin, & then drew his own sword upon him ; 



1776.] CAPTAIN THAYEK's JOURNAL. 43 

they then stripp'd them to their Breeches, and carried them to 
Montreal.* 

July 6. — Last night we were lock'd up in our Rooms, for 
what reason I don't know. This morning 6 vessels arrived, I 
believe loaded with provisions. 

July 7. — Several officers of the Garrison came and looked 
round in our apartments, but said nothing to us. We were 
ignorant of the reason until some Sea Captains came into the 
Garden and told us there was a report in town that we intended 
to set the Seminary on fire, but they are false reports, & I don't 
imagine there is not one amongst us that would perform such 
an action. 

July 8. — Different reports. Some say that the Provincials 
took about 5000 British Prisoners. Others say that the British 
have taken New York, & that the Pennsylvania & Virginia 
[troops] laid down tbeir arms. But the reports are so numerous 
and various that we can hardly credit the least ; next Eyenino- 
a Sloop of war sail'd down the river. 

July 12. — We hear that Major Meigs and Capt. Dearborn 
are exchanged by Admiral Howe. 

July 17. — Nothing remarkable until the 17th, when we hear 
of a Skirmish take place at Point-au-faire, the Provincials seeing 
them in their boats, which they stove to Pieces, Killed, wounded 
and took 400 ; at 4 o'clock a Brig sail'd up the River. 

July 18. — Locked up close in our rooms all night ; the reason 
we are ignorant of. 

July 19. — The Lizard Ship sail'd for New York. We under- 
stand that as soon as the General comes from Montreal we are 
to be sent home. He is daily expected. Moderate weather 
until the 22d, when accompanied with a Thunder Stormf . 

July 22. — The Bland 32 Gun Ship sail'd this morning for 
London. A brig & sloop sailed shortly after. Genl. Carleton 



*" July 5. The prisoners brought in last night inform us that the Indians scalped 
many of our soldiers, some of them alive; but that General Carleton, to his great 
honor, has refused to pay those murdering fiends for any more scalps, but will 
pay them the same reward for every prisoner." — Melvin. 

V'July 19. The weather is so cold that the Canadiars do not expect a good crop 
of corn. It is so cold as to wear a great Qoai."— Melvin. 



44 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1776. 

arrived in town this afternoon, & was saluted with a volley of 
15 Guns from the Garrison, to our great satisfaction, because 
our fate will be shortly determined. Nothing worth notice 
until the 26th but some vessels going" up and down the River. 

Jul^ 26, — Capt. Foy informed us of the General's counte- 
nancing our going home, & was sorry we were detained so long. 

Jid^ 28. — We hear that Gen. Thompson is to go home with us. 

" 29. — Genl. Carleton hearing our extreme want of money, 

was generous Eno' to send us <£iOO, which we are determined 

to repay to some British officers, Prisoners in America, as a 

necessary token of gratitude.* 

JuIt/ 30. — Genl. Thompson came to see us, and told us Gen. 
Carleton desired him to call on us & let us know the terms 
we were to go home on. 

Aug. 1. — Genl. Thompson & several other Gentlemen came 
and brought a copy of the Parole, which we did not like ; on 
which he said it might perhaps be alter'd, if not we must neces- 
sarily remain here loisger. 

Aug. 2. — Genl. Carleton sent us word that he would leave 
out the words we objected to, which were, " that we should 
never take up arms against His Majesty." This we did not 
think proper to sign to. 

Aug. 3. — The town Major & Mr. Murray brought our Parole, 
which we signed. 

Aiig. 4. — We hear that Genl. Washington refuses to exchange 
the men taken at the Cedars, & Genl. Carleton keeps 16 men 
who came over the Lake as a Flag. 

*lu his treatment of the American prisoners, General Carleton was humane. 
The JPiCident here mentioned t>y Captain Thayer is honorable to his character as a 
generous enemy. When criticised by his officers for his leniency towards his pris- 
oners, he replied,—" Since we Ijave tried in vain to make them acknowledge us as 
brothers, let us send them away disposed to regard us as first cousins." Having 
been informed that many persons, suffering from wounds and various disorders, 
were concealed in the woods and obscure places, fearing that if they appeared 
openly they would be seized as prisoners and severely treated, he issued a procla- 
mation, commanding the militia officers to search for sudi persons, bring them to 
the general hospital, and procure for them all necessary relief, at the public charge. 
He also invited all snch persons to come forward voluntarily, and receive the assist- 
ance they needed, as^suring them " that as soon as their health should be restored, 
tliey should have free liberty to return to their respective provinces." Few names 
that stand out in the history of tlie events in which he was concerned are remem- 
bered with more respect, even in the country of his foes.— /S;parA:s. 



1776 .J CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 45 

Aug. 5. — Had orders to be ready at a minute's warning for 
embarking. 

Aug. 6. — Our men were oblig'd to sign a Paper, tlie contents 
I know not. We are informed that we are to embark to-morrow 
at 9 o'clock. 

Aug. 1. — About 9 o'clock this morning I, with some more 
officers and 77 of our men, embark'd on board a Ship of near 
400 Tons, Joseph Lawton, master, accompanied by three other 
Ships. 

Aug. 8. — Capt. Foy wish'd us well, and said when we met 
again we should be friends, this gentleman & Mr. Murry having 
come on board to see how we were accommodated. 

Aug. 9. — Waiting for the remainder of the Prisoners to come 
down the River ; dividing out stores to the men. 

Aug. 10. — About Eleven o'clock a Brig hove in sight, & the 
Prisoners were put on board of us. 

Aug. 11. — About 11 o'clock weighed anchor, & went below 
the toAvn. The [wind] blowing hard at East, we came again 
to anchor. 

Aug. 12. — Weigh'd anchor and proceeded on our passage ; 
spoke with the Jno. Rogers. Saw a brig wreck'd on the east 
end of St. Johns. Arrived Sept. the 12 at Sandy hook, after a 
tedious voyage, & had the mortification to see N. York in flames, 
when our people Evacuated it. Landed the 20th Sept. in 
Elizabeth town, with 9 Rank and file, & 1 Lieutenant, (named 
Humphrey,) being the remainder of the number we had when 
I left Cambridge, being 87, officers included ; [the residue] 
perish'd by different casualties, as dying by different diseases, 
such as in prison, some thro' hunger & fatigue, others running 
away, others listing with the British, others dying with the small 
pox, &c ; [started from Elizabethtown,] from whence each man 
steer'd home to his native place ; accordingly [did so] myself, 
where I remained until 1st of July, when I was exchanged, 
& took up arms again in defence of my country. 



APPENDIX 



Note A., Page 2. 

Under the head " March to Newburyport," the entries upon the 
Journal against the dates Sept. 13 and 14, are obviously erroneous. 
The night of the 13th was probably spent in Maiden, on the line of 
niarch to Beverly, and the night of the 14th in Beverly, about midway 
between Maiden and Newburyport. Joseph Ware, a member of Cap- 
tain Samuel Ward's company, whose journal is frequently cited in these 
pages, says he encamped on the evening of the 14th in Beverly. 
Captain Thayer may not have commenced his journal until he reached 
Newburyport, and there made these entries under a lapse of memory. 
On arriving at Newburyport, the riflemen, under Captain Morgan, 
encamped in the field, near Rolfe's lane. The other troops occupied 
two of the rope-walks in town. 



Note B., Page 2. 

'' Sept. 19. — Embarked our whole detachment, consisting of 10 com- 
panies of musketmen and 3 companies of riflemen, amounting to 1,100 
men, on board 10 transports. I embarked myself on board the sloop 
Britannia. The fleet came to sail at 10 o'clock, A. M., and sailed out 
of the harbour and lay to till one o'clock, P. M., when we received 
orders to sail for the river Kennebeck, fifty leagues from Newburyport 
— received with our sailing orders the following for signals, viz. 

1st signal. For speaking with the whole fleet. P-^nsign at maintop- 



masthead. 
2d signal. 
3d signal. 



For chasing a sail. Ensign at foretop-masthead. 

For heaving to. Lanthorn at maintop-masthead, and 



two guns if head on shore, and three if off shore. 



48 APPENDIX. 

4th signal. For making sail in the night. Lanthorn at masthead, 
and four guns ; in the day jack at foretop-masthead. 

5th signal. For dispersing and every vessel making the nearest 
harbor. Ensign at main peak. 

6th signal. For boarding any vessel. Jack at maintop-masthead, 
and the whole fleet drawn up in a Ihie, as near as possible. 

The wind being fair and very fresh, I was very sea-sick. 

20^A. In the mornino' we made the mouth of Kennebeck, right 
ahead, which we soon entered. The mouth of the river is narrow. 
We were hailed from the shore by a number of men under arms, which 
were stationed there. They were answered, that we were Continental 
troops, and that we wanted a pilot. They immediately sent one on 
board. The wind and tide favoring us, we proceeded up the river ; 5 
miles from the mouth lies an island called Rousack. Upon this island 
is a handsome meeting-house, and very good dwelling houses. The river 
to this island of very unequal width, from one mile to a quarter of a 
mile wide, the water deep, great tides, the shore generally rocky; ten 
miles from the mouth some elegant buildings, at a place called George- 
town ;* twenty miles from the mouth is a very large bay called Merry- 
meeting Bay ; 25 miles from the mouth an island, called Swan Island. 
Little above this island we came to anchor, opposite to Pownalborough, 
wdiere is a block-house. I would mention here, that this day makes 
fourteen only since the orders were first given for building 200 battoes, 
collecting provisions for and levying 1,100 men, and marching them to 
this place, viz., Gardner's Town ; weather fine. — Meigs' Jour., pp. 8-11. 

Note C, Page 3. 

James McCormick, (not Jno., as written by Captain Thayer,) was 
tried by a court-martial at Fort Western, found guilty, and sentenced to 
death. The sentence was approved by Colonel Arnold, but the prisoner 
was respited and sent on board the transport Broad Bay, Capt. Clarkson, 
to Capt. Moses Nowell, of Newburyport, who was ordered to convey 
him under a proper guard to General Washington at head-quarters in 
Cambridge, for his final decision upon the case. McCormick denied 
the crime until he was brought to the place of execution, when he con- 
fessed it. He was a resident of North Yarmouth, Mass., and was 

*" At this place, in Georgetown, opposite Phipsburg, it is believed the late Gov. 
Sullivan of Massachusetts, then lived, for it was here that lie commenced the prac- 
tice of the law. When once asked by Gen. Knox why he selected such an obscure 
spot, he replied, that he knew that he must break into the world, and he thought it 
prudent to make the attempt in a weak place." — Allen. 



APPENDIX. 49 

drafted from Capt. Hill's company, Col. Scamman's Regiment. He 
was an ignorant and simple person, and bore in the company to which he 
belonged the character of a peaceful man. In his letter to Washington, 
Arnold adds to the foregoing statement, " I wish he may be found a 
proper object of mercy." 

Fort Western stands on the east side of the river Kennebec, and con- 
sists of 2 block-houses, and a large house, 100 feet long, which were 
enclosed only with pickets. This house is the property of |_ James] 
Howard, Esq., where we were exceedingly well entertained. Captain 
Morgan wiih 3 companies of riflemen embarked in battoes, with orders 
to proceed with all expedition to the great carrying-place, and clear the 
road while the other divisions came up. — Meigs* Journal^ pp. 10, 11. 
One of the block houses, a venerable memorial of Indian wars, is now 
[1831] standing, near the covered bridge which stretches across the 
river. Judge Howard, at whose house the oihcers were entertained, 
died in May, 1787, aged 86 years. He was the first commandant at 
this fort. John Gilley, an irishman, a soldier at the fort under Judge 
Howard, died at Augusta, Me., July 9th, 1813, aged about 124 years. 
— Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. i, p. 390. 

Note D., Page 4. 

Sept 2^th. At 11 o'clock, A. M. arrived at Fort Halifax, which 
stands on a point of land between the river Kennebec and the river 
Sebastecook. This fort consists of two large block-houses, and a large 
barrack, which is enclosed with a picket fort. I tarried half an hour 
at the fort, then crossed the river to a carrying place, which is 97 rods 
carriage — then proceeded up the river, which falls very rapidly over a 
rocky bottom 5 miles, and encamped. The above falls are Toronock. — 
Meigs. Fort Halifax was built by Mr. Shirley in 1754, to awe the 
Indians, and cover the frontiers of New England. — Montresor's Journal. 

Note E., Page 5. 

October od. Proceeded up the river to Norridgewalk. On my 
way I called at a house, where I saw a child 14 months old. This is 
the first white child born in Norridgewalk.* At 7 o'clock in the eve- 
ning, a little below Norridgewalk, my battoe filled with water, going 
up the falls. Here I lost my kettle, butter and sugar, a loss not to be 
replaced here. At Norridgewalk are to be seen the vestiges of an 

*The name of this child was Abel Farrington. He was the son of Capt. Thomas 
Farrington, formerly of Groton, Mass. 

7 



50 APPENDIX. 

Indian fort and chapel, and a priest's grave.* There appears to have 
been some intrenchment, and a covered way through the bank of the 
river for the convenience of getting water. This must have been a 
considerable seat of the natives, as there are large Indian fields cleared. 
Meigs Journal. 

October Uh. Went up to Bumazees Ripples, and came to Norridge- 
walk. The carriage-place is about a mile in length. We had oxen to 
haul ovGF our provision. Our batteaux were calked. We were now 
to take leave of houses and settlements, of which we saw no more, 
except one Indian wigwam, 'till we came among the French, in Canada. 
— MelvirCs Journal. 

Note F., Page 16 — note. 

" In August, 1824, an Indian woman from Penobscot presented 
herself at my house, with baskets to sell, and soliciting charity. She 
exhibited a certificate signed by Major General Ulmer, stating that she 
was the daughter of Sa Bates, a Penobscot Indian, who piloted Arnold's 
army to Quebec in 1775. I asked her to pronounce the name of her 
father, and she gave the sound — Sah-Bak-tis." — Allen. 

Note G., Page 24. 

Major Timothy Bigelow was the son of Daniel Bigelow, and 
lived in Worcester, Mass. On hearing of the battle of Lexington, he 
marched at the head of minute men. In all the fatigues, perils and pri- 
vations of Arnold's expedition, he participated. At Quebec he was 
taken prisoner. After his release, he, at the head of the fifteenth 
Mass. regiment, was at Saratoga, Rhode Island, Valley Forge, and West 
Point. He was an original grantor of Montpelier, and a liberal bene- 
factor of Leicester Academy. With an ardent temperament, his man- 
ners were dignified and graceful. He died in Worcester, March 31, 
1790, aged 50 years. Major Bigelow was father of Timothy Bigelow, 
who removed to Medford in 1807, and was distinguished as a learned, 
eloquent and popular lawyer, and for more than twenty years as a 
leading member of the Legislature, eleven of which he served as Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. 

*This was the grave of Father Sebastian Ralle, whom Capt. Tbayer, by mistake, 
calls Francisco. He was a learned man, an effective preacher, and exercised a 
remarkable influence over the Indians, amon^ whom he dwelt at Norridgewalk, as 
a Jesuit Missionary, for a period of twenty-six years. He was killed in the sur- 
prisal of that place on the 23d August, 1724. A dictionary compiled b> him of the 
Abnaki's lanjruage, is preserved among the literary treasures of the library of Har- 
vard College. 



APPENDIX. 51 

Major John Brown was born in Sandisfield, Mass., October 19, 
1744. He was educated at Yale College, and after graduating studied 
law with Oliver Arnold, in Providence, R. I. He established himself 
in practice at Caghnawaga, now Johnston, N. Y., but at the opening of 
the revolution took sides with the people against the Mother Country. 
In 1775 he was a delegate to the Provincial Congress. He was with 
Arnold at the capture of Ticonderoga, and afterward joined the assault- 
ing forces at Quebec. In 1776 he was commissioned Lieut. Colonel 
by Congress, and continued in active service until the surrender of 
Burgoyne. In 1780 he marched up the Mohawk for the relief of 
Gen. Schuyler, but was led by a traitor into an ambuscade at Stone 
Arabia, in Palatine, and was slaiti on his birth-day, October 19, 1780, 
aged 36 years. He was a man of fine personal presence, and energetic 
in all his undertakings. 

Captain Hknrt Dp:at?born was born in Hampton, N. H., March 
1, 1751. He studied medicine with Dr. Hall Jackson, of Portsmouth, 
N. H., and settled in practice at Nottingham square. When an ex- 
press announced the battle of Lexington, he marched the same day 
with sixty volunteers for Cambridge. On his return he was commis- 
sioned a Captain in Stark's regiment. He raised a company, and 
participated in the battle of Ijreed's [or Bunker's] Hill. Fie joined 
Arnold in his wilderness march to Quebec, and was seized with fever 
on the way. He lay in a cottage on the banks of the Chaudiere, with- 
out physician, and for ten days his life was despaired of. A good 
Catholic woman even sprinkled him with holy water. But he grad- 
ually recovered, and hastening forward reached Wolfe's Cove in 
season to rejoin his company, and participate in the assault on Quebec, 
where he was taken prisoner. In May, 1776, he was paroled, and in 
March, 1777, was exchanged. He was commissioned Major, in Scam- 
mel's regiment, and fought at Ticonderoga and Monmouth ; was with 
Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians in 1779 ; in 1780 was 
with the army in New Jersey; in 1781 was at Yorktown, at the sur- 
render of Cornwallis. On the death of Scammel he succeeded to the 
command of the regiment. In 1782 he was stationed in garrison at 
Saratoga. After the peace he settled in Maine, of which District he 
was appointed Marshal. He was twice elected a member of Congress, 
and was eight years Secretary of War under Jefferson. In the war of 
1812 he was commissioned as senior Major General in the army of 
the United States. In 1815 he retired to private life, and in 1822 
was appointed Minister plenipotentiary to Portugal. He died at the 



52 APPENDIX. 

residence of his son, General Henry A. S. Dearborn, in Roxbury, 
Mass., June 6, 1829, aged 78 years. 

Colonel Christopher Greene was a lineal descendant of John 
Greene, who emigrated from Wiltshire, England, to Plymouth Colony, 
from whence he removed to Providence in 1637. He soon afterwards 
went to that section of Warwick, R. I., which lie had purchased of the 
aboriginal owners. He was one of the twenty-four individuals to whom 
Charles the Second granted the old Charter of Rhode Island. His 
posterity often filled the most responsible stations under the Colonial 
Government. One of them, Wilham Greene, held the reins of the 
State during the gloom and horror of the American Revolution ; 
another, upon the Judicial Bench, was the inflexible minister of justice ; 
while two others unsheathed their swords in the service of their country. 

Christopher, the subject of this notice, was the son of Hon. Philip 
Greene, a Judge of the Superior Court of the State, and distinguished 
alike for his virtues as a private citizen and as a public officer. Chris- 
topher was born in 1737, in that part of Warwick called Occupassa- 
tiouxet, the patrimonial estate of the Judge, his father. His life pre- 
viously to entering the army, was principally occupied in agriculture, 
and in the care of a grist and saw mill, located on a branch of the 
Pawtuxet river, at wdiat is now called Centreville. His natural endow- 
ments were of a superior order. His mental powers, improved and 
developed by education and refined social intercourse, to;; ether with 
an elevated moral character, were calculated to command the confi- 
dence of his fellow-citizens, and at an eaily age he was elected by them 
to represent his town in the State Legislature, an office which he hon- 
orably filled for several years. At this time, the Mother country began 
to seize, one after another, the inherent rights of the Colonies. When 
the question of resistance came to be discussed, young Greene boldly 
took ground against the King, and his counsels in the Legislature tended 
to encourage measures for military defence. 

A military company was established at East Greenwich, in 1774, with 
the title of " Kentish Guards," and Greene was chosen Lieutenant. 
In the month of May, 1775, he was appointed by the Legislature a 
Major in the army created for the defence of the State, under the com- 
mand of his near relative and intimate friend. General Nathaniel 
Greene. But, with characteristic self-denying patriotism, he preferred 
to accept the office of Captain in the regiment organized by the Gene- 
ral Assembly for the Continental service, which opened to him a field 
for more active usefulness. He marched to Cambridge, and was there 



APPENDIX. 53 

placed as Lieutenant Colonel in command of the first battalion of 
Arnold's army, formed for a secret expedition against Quebec. The 
duties of this new and responsible position were discharged with the 
utmost faithfulness. Through the entire wilderness march, his constant 
presence and cheerful voice inspired the courage and hope of his men. 
In the attack upon Quebec, Lieutenant Colonel Greene took a conspic- 
uous part. At the head of an assaulting column of infantry, he was in 
the midst of tlie hottest conflict. But the early death of General Mont- 
gomery changed the fortunes of a day auspiciously begun, and after 
three hours of hard fighting, Greene and his command were compelled 
to surrender. 

Eighteen months of prison life passed heavily with the active spirit 
of Colonel Greene. His thoughts were with his suffering country, and 
his uppermost desire was to again draw his sword in her behalf. On 
one occasion, when contemplating the British flag waving tauntingly 
above him, and listening to the triumph-strains of British music, his 
self-possession forsook him, and he exclaimed, with emphatic tone, " / 
will never again he tahen prisoner alive /" — a declaration never forgot- 
ten by. those wlio heard it, and that became a proverb with the soldiers 
who had served under him. 

The value of the services of Lieutenant Colonel Greene and of his 
fellow-officers, were fully appreciated by General Washington, and in 
a letter to Governor Cooke, dated " Head-quarters, Harlem Heights^ 
Oct. 12, 1776, he stated that their behaviour and merits, as well as 
the severities they had experienced in the Canada Expedition, entitled 
them to particular notice, and recommended that, in the new Ipvies 
then about to be raised by the State, vacancies should be reserved for 
them, to be filled upon their exchange. Colonel Varnum, writing to 
the Governor from West Chester, October 1 6, on the same subject, 
says : " How the Field Officers are recommended for thft First Battal- 
lion in our State, and who they are, I am ignorant. I hope Colonel 
Greene will be thought of." 

After being exchanged, Lieut. Colonel Greene, in 1777, received a 
commission of Colonel, and was placed in command of the highly 
important post of P^ort Mercer, at Red Bank, on the Delaware river. 
This position was attacked by a large body of Germans under Colonel 
Count Donop, who, after a fierce and desperate fight, were driven back 
defeated, with heavy loss, including their commander.* Colonel 

* " The late Dr. Turner, of Newport, who was in this battle, used to narrate the 
following anecdote of Col. Greene's kind attention to a vanquished enemy. He 
buried the remains of Count Donop with all the honors of war. A Frenthman, the 



54 APPENDIX. 

Jonathan Mifflin, in a letter to General Mifflin, dated " Headquar- 
ters, G. Morris's, Oct. 24, 1777, 5 o'clock, P. M.," says : " The day 
before yesterday, 4 o'clock P. M., Count Donop, with 1200 Hessian 
Grenadiers, made their appearance before the garrison at Red Bank, 
and by flag demanded a surrender, which being refused, they made an 
immediate attack, fired above the abattis, crossed the ditch, and some 
few had mounted the pickets. They were so warmly received that 
they returned with great precipitation, leaving behind the Count and 
the Brigade Major, who are wounded, in the fort." The killed and 
wounded, according to this letter, were 500. The same writer con- 
tinues : " Colonel Greene, who commanded, played upon them a very 
good deception. When the flag came in, he concealed all his men but 
50 — saying, '•^ with these brave fellows, this fort shall he my tombr — He 
had 5 killed and 45 wounded." 

Commodore John Hazlewood writing to Gen. Washington, under date 
Red Bank, Oct. 24, 1777, says, " This will acquaint your Excellency 
that early this morning we carried all our gallies into action, and, after 
a long and heavy firing, we drove the enemy's ships down the river, 
except a 64 gun ship and a small frigate, which we obliged them to 
quit, as they got on shore, and by accident the 64 gun ship blew up, 
and the frigate they set on fire themselves, took the people all out, and 
quitted them. Our action lasted until 12 o'clock, and our fleet has 
received but little damage. 

" You will be informed of the glorious event of last night, by Col. 
Greene. We, in our gallies, were of great use in flanking round the 
fort. Besides the 64 and frigate being burnt, the Roebuck, which lay 
to cover them, we damaged much and drove off, and had she laid fast, 
we should have had her in the same situation." 

" The success of Col. Greene the day before, it is fair to infer, con- 
tributed much to the naval successes of the day following, and finally 
to the enemy abandoning Philadelphia, thus breaking down, in an 
eminent degree, their warlike power. 



surgeon of the German Brigade, who was taken prisoner, on witnessing the Ameri- 
can troops following the corpse of his beloved commander, and depositing it, with 
every manifestation of respect, in the grave, was so affected by the unexpected 
spectacle that, springing up and striking his feet together, he exclaimed, with the 
vivacity of his countrymen, " Be Gar, if dey bury me so, I die dis moment." — 
Rather an odd, but certainly a very striking illustration of his devotedness to 
Donop, and his i^ratitude to Greene." — Note to a sketch of Col. Greene in the Kent 
County Atliis, Nov. 8 and 15, 1851, &?/ Hon- II. Rousmaniere, of which use has been 
made in this notice. 



APPENDIX. 55 

In January, after the battle of Red Bank, a letter was written to 
Gen. Washington, by Gen. J. M. Varnum, dated " Camp, January 2, 
1778," in which he says: "The two Battalions for the State being 
small, and there being a necessity of the State's furnishing an addi- 
tional number to make up their proportion in the Continental Array, 
the Field Officers have represented to me the propriety of making one 
temporary Battalion from the two, so that one entire corps of officers 
may repair to Rhode Island, in order to receive and prepare the 
recruits for the field. It is imagined that a Battalion of negroes may 

be raised there The Field Officers who go upon this 

command, are Col. Greene, Lt. Col. Olney, and Major Ward." 

Colonel Greene, after this, was employed in Rhode Island for a 
period of the war, from 1778 to 1780, and had a spirited fight with 
the enemy on the Island, in which the negro troops distinguished them- 
selves. He cooperated with the French fleet and army, the former 
under Count D'Estaing, the latter under the command of General 
Count Rochambeau. In 1781, he returned to the headquarters of 
Gen. Washington, and on the night of the 13th of May, was attacked 
at his quarters near Croton Bridge, Croton River, N. Y., by a party 
of refugees, overpowered, and barbarously murdered. His left arm 
was cut oiT, his right wounded to the bone in two wide gashes, his left 
shoulder severely mutilated, his stomach pierced by a sword, his rioht 
side shockingly lacerated by a bayonet, and his head mangled in seve- 
ral places. In this condition, he was dragged by the ruffians who had 
overpowered him, to a wood about a mile distant, and there left. 

General Washington learned, with the deepest sorrow, the details of 
the melancholy fate of his honored friend and brother in arms. His 
corpse was carried to the headquarters of the army on the subsequent 
day, and buried with every token of military honor, and every sem- 
blance of individual grief* General Rochambeau took occasion to 
remark in a letter to Gov. Greene, dated at Newport, 27th May, 1781> 
*' Your Excellency will, I hope, be persuaded how much I lament the 
loss of your friend and relative. Col. Greene. I had the greatest 
esteem and regard for an officer of such merit." At the October Ses- 
sion of the General Assembly, 1785, seven years' half pay was allowed 
to the widow and children of Col. Greene, dating from the day of his 
death. 



*Both Colonel Greene and Major Flagg, who was nmrdercd at the same time, 
were buried in the church-yard at Corapond, where a tomb stone was erected. 
Corapond was about seven miles from Peekskill. 



56 APPENDIX. 

The gallant defence of Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, gave to Colonel 
Greene a prominent military reputation, and Congress was prompt to 
recognize the brilliant deed by passing a resolution, Nov. 4, 1777, 
'^ That an elegant sword be provided by the Board of War, and pre- 
sented to Col. Greene." The execution of this complimentary resolve 
was delayed until several years after the death of the Colonel, when 
the sword was forwarded to Job Greene, Esq., the son and legal repre- 
sentative of the deceased, accompanied with the following letter: 

" War Office of the United States,) 
New York, June 7, 1786. > 

Sir: 

I have the honor to transmit to you, the son and legal representa- 
tive of the late memorable and gallant Col. Greene, the sword directed 
to be presented to him, by the resolve of Congress of the 4th of No- 
vember, 1777. 

" The repulse and defeat of the Germans at the Fort of Red Bank, 
on the Dehiware, is justly considered as one of the most brilliant 
actions of the late war. The glory of that event is inseparably attached 
to the memory of your father and his brave garrison. The manner in 
which the supreme authority of the United States is pleased to express 
its high sense of his military merit, and the honorable instrument 
which they annex in testimony thereof, must be peculiarly precious to 
a son emulative of his father's virtues. The circumstances of the war 
prevented obtaining and delivery of the sword previous to your father's 
being killed at Croton River, in 1780. [1.] 

"On that catastrophe, his country mourned the sacrifice of a patriot 
and a soldier, and mingled its tears with those of his family. That the 
patriotic and military virtues of your honorable father may influence 
your conduct in every case in which your country may require your 
services, is the sir»cere wish, 
Sir, 

Of your most obedient 

and very humble servant, 

H. Knox. 
Job Greene, Esq." 

This sword is now in the possession of one of the grandchildren of 
Colonel Greene, Simon Henry Greene, Esq., of River Point, R. I. Its 
sheath is of rattle-snake skin, the blade a polished rapier, and its prin- 
ciple decorations of silver, inlaid with gold. At the time of his death 
Col. Greene had entered upon his forty -fifth year. In 1758, he mar- 
ried Miss Anne Lippitt, the daughter of Mr. Jeremiah Lippitt, of 



y 



Corrections. Page 57, line 16 from tO]3. The ])ortrait of Colonel Greene was 
presented to the jrallery in the Hall of Brown University, by Simon Henry 
Greene. Esq., and was not iiainted at the expense of the State, as inadvertently 
stated. 

PafJje 87, line '1 from bottom, for Lonis xiv, rea<l " Lonis xvr." 



APPENDIX. 57 

Warwick. He left three sons and four daughters. His portrait; 
belonging to Siraon Henry Greene, Esq., exhibits the appearance of 
a man who would do effectual service on the battle-field. Under the 
laborious exercise of the farm and the camp, he ripened into a rare 
combination of symmetrical figure and solid expression. His height 
was about five feet ten inches. His round, capacious chest, his upright 
mien, his active, muscular limbs, indicated the enjoyment of perfect 
physical vigor. Dark brown hair clustered around his forehead, which 
bespoke deep thought rather than brilliant fancy. There was a strange 
lustre in his eyes that M'ould have given the expression of life to a face 
of clay. The outline of his features was grave and stern, as if it were 
but a transparent veil over his restless mind ; while his entire counten- 
ance was lit up with a ruddy, sanguine complexion, through which 
coursing blood looked out to tell the story of inward health and joyous- 
ness. A coj^y of this portrait was a few years since painted at the 
expense of the State of Rhode Island, and was made one of a growing 
gallery of her eminent sons and benefactors now formed in the Hall of 
Brown University. Col. Greene died at an age when his military 
experience, maturity of judgment, and energy of character, gave prom- 
ise of rapid promotion. Had he lived to the close of the war, his rank 
probably, would have been second only to that of his distinguished 
kinsman. 

Captain Jonas Hubbard, the son of an early settler in Worcester, 
Mass., was born in that town. Previous to the Revolution, he was 
engaged in the cultivation of his patrimonial estate, and in the man- 
agement of extensive concerns of business. The first sounds of coming 
war found him an Ensign in one of the three militia companies of the 
town. When the volunteer company of minute men was raised, Hub- 
bard was elected Lieutenant, and actively participated in the evening 
drills after the labors of the day were over, and in the preparations 
made by the busy industry of the martial spirit of the times, for imme- 
diate action. 

Soon after this gallant corps marched to Cambridge, Lieutenant 
Hubbard was appointed Captain, and, when the expedition against 
Quebec was planned, he was assigned to a company in the detachment 
of Arnold. While the troops halted at Fort Western on the Kenne- 
bec, he wrote to his wife in terras worthy of a patriot martyr : " I 
know not if I shall ever see you again. The weather grows severe 
cold, and the woods, they say, are terrible to pass. But I do not value 
life or property, if I can secure liberty for my children." Captain 
Hubbard shared in the extreme sufferings of the march, and probably 



58 APPENDIX. 

more than his proportion, as, acting under a commission among those 
who had no reverence for artificial distinctions, beyond that yielded to 
the legitimate authority of courage and wisdom. 

In the attack on Quebec, Captain Hubbard fell, at the head of his 
company, severely wounded. Respected for his fearless intrepidity, 
and loved for his personal worth, his men wished to remove him to a 
place of shelter from the fast falling snow, and of safety from the vol- 
lies of balls poured down from the ramparts. But he peremptorily 
refused. ' I came here to serve with you, I will stay here to die with 
you,' were his last words to a comrade who survived. Bleeding and 
stretched on a bed of ice, exposed to the bitter influence of a winter 
storm, life soon departed. It was a glorious time and place for the 
gallant soldier to yield up his breath, beneath the massive walls of the 
impregnable citadel, with the death shot flying fast, and the thunder of 
battle swelling round him. The sons of Captain Hubbard, inheriting 
his adventurous and manly spirit, emigrated to Maine, where the eldest 
Gen. Levi Hubbard, became the first settler of Paris. Gen. Hubbard 
held many offices with honor, and was representative of Oxford Dis- 
trict in Congress, from 1813 to 1815. — Lincoln's History of Worcester 

John Joseph Henry was the son of William and Ann Wood 
Henry, of Lancaster, Penn. William, (whose parents emigrated from 
Coleraine, Ireland,) was a distinguished Whig during the Revolution, 
and had an extensive manufactory of arms, established previously to 
the French War. In 1777, he was Deputy Commissary General, and 
was active in sending supplies to the army at Valley Forge. In 1784, 
he was elected to Congress, and died Dec. 15, 1786. 

John Joseph was born in Lancaster, Penn., Nov. 4th, 1758, and 
^early manifested marked mechanical genius. At the age of 14, he 
became an apprentice to his uncle at the gunsmith business, who subse- 
quently removed to Detroit. Here young Henry remained but a short 
time, and returned home on foot through the wilderness. His ardent 
mind panted for military glory, and sympathising warmly with his 
struggling country, he, at the age of 1 6 years, clandestinely enlisted in 
a company raised by Captain Matthew Smith, for the purpose of join- 
ing Arnold's Expedition against Quebec. His sufferings on the march 
through the wilderness were extreme. He was captured in the attack 
upon Quebec, and lay in prison nine months, where he contracted the 
scurvy, which made its appearance on his return home, in a malignant 
form, from the effects of which he never entirely recovered. Mr. 
Henry spoke the German language, and while in prison was approached 



APPENDIX. 59 

by Captain Prentis, in behalf of Gen. Knyphausen, then at Quebec, 
with the offer of a place in his military family, as an interpreter. The 
offer was declined. 

He sailed from Quebec Aug. 10, 1776, and after a voyage of four 
weeks, reached New York. Of his advent into Elizabethtown, a few 
days after, he gives the following description : " It was ten or eleven 
at night before we landed. The moon shone beautifully. Morgan 
stood in the bow of the boat, making a spring not easily surpassed, and 
falling on the earth, as it were to grasp it^ — cried, " Oh, my country." 
We that were near him, pursued his example. Now a race com- 
menced, which in quickness, could scarcely be exceeded, and soon 
brought us to Elizabethtown. Here, those of us who were drowsy 
spent an uneasy night. Being unexpected guests, and the town full of 
troops, no quarters were provided for us. Joy rendered beds useless. 
We did not close our eyes till daylight. Singing, dancing, the Indian 
halloo, in short, every species of vociferousness was adopted by the men 
and many of the most respectable sergeants, to express their extreme 
pleasure. A stranger coming among them, would have pronounced 
them mad, or at least intoxicated, though since noon neither food nor 
liquor had passed our lips. Thus the passions may, at times, have an 
influence on the human frame, as inebriating as wine or any other 
liquor. The morning brought us plenty, in the form of rations of beef' 
and bread. Hunger allayed, my desire was to proceed homewards." 

On reaching home, a Lieutenancy in the Pennsylvania Line was 
offered Mr. Henry, and also a Captaincy in the Virginia Line. The 
latter he designed to accept, under Morgan, but the state of his health 
prevented. Continued lameness precluded all possibility of his again 
entering the army, and he indentured himself for four years as a clerk 
in the prothonotary's office of Lancaster County, and made himself 
master of its duties. He subsequently studied law, under Stephen 
Chambers, Esq., whose youngest sister he afterwards married. Mr. 
Henry engaged successfully in the practice of law, from 1785 to the 
close of 1793, when his well known legal abilities were rewarded with 
an appointment by Governor Thomas Mifflin, to the office of President 
of the Second Judicial District of Pennsylvania. This position he held 
seventeen years, when, from illness and increasing infirmities, he felt it 
a duty to resign. Four months after, he died. Judge Henry wrote an 
interesting and valuable narrative of the Campaign against Quebec 
which was published in 1812, and which has frequently been referred 
to in the preceding pages. 

Captain William Hendricks, from Pennsylvania, was tall, of a mild 



60 APPENDIX. 

and beautiful countenance. His soul was animated by a genuine spark 
of heroism. He was active and energetic in the march through the 
wilderness, and shared freely in the toils and privations of his men. 
When it became necessary to transport Lieutenant McCleland, of his 
company, in a litter across the mountains, he took his turn with the 
men. " If you had seen," says Henry, " the young yet venerable Cap- 
tain Hendricks, bearing his share of this loved burthen across the plain 
to our camp, it would have raised esteem, if not affection, towards him." 
He was no stickler for rank where the harmony of the service was 
involved. Morgan had obtained the command of the rifle corps from 
Arnold, without any advertence to the better claim of Hendricks, whc 
though the youngest man, was, of the three Captains, in point of rank, 
by the dates of commissions, the superior officer. For the sake of 
peace in the army, and of good order, he prudently and good naturedly 
acquiesced in Morgan's assumption of the command. He was conspic- 
uous in the assault upon Quebec, and, as mentioned in the Introduc- 
tion, was killed by a straggling ball received through the heart. 

Captain John Lamb, son of Anthony Lamb, a celebrated optician 
and mathematical instrument maker, in New York, was born in that 
city, January 1, 1735. In early life, he followed the profession of bis 
father. About 1760, he commenced the business of a wine merchant, 
and nearly at the same time, married Catherine Jandine, a lady of Hu- 
guenot descent. He improved his opportunities for mental culture, spoke 
the French and German languages, was a pleasant speaker and forci- 
ble writer. In the beginning of the troubles that led on to Revolution, 
Mr. Lamb sided with the country, and became a prominent member of 
the New York Sons of Liberty. Early in 1775, he offered his servi- 
ces to Congress, and was commissioned a Captain of Artillery, a posi- 
tion for which his military studies fitted him. For a time, he was 
stationed, with his company, on the Battery, in New York ; but when 
the invasion of Canada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, was 
determined upon, he marched and joined the invading army, at the 
Isle-aux-Noix. When St. John's capitulated, Capt. Lamb and his 
company, with two hundred other men, were ordered to march into 
town to receive the surrender of the fort and take possession. In the 
subsequent movements, he showed himself an intelligent, energetic and 
reliable officer. He first met Colonel Arnold before Quebec, and was 
associated with him in the assault upon that city. He fought with 
great bravery, was severely wounded, and taken prisoner. 

A grape shot hit Lamb on the left cheek, near the eye, the sight of 
which was ultimately lost, and carried away a part of the bone. The 



APPENDIX. 61 

force of the blow and the concussion of the shot, stunned him, and 
threw him senseless on the snow. Some of his faithful followers car- 
ried him into a cooper's shop near at hand, and laid him upon a pile of 
shavings insensible. 

In searching for the dead and wounded, Capt. Lamb was found 
where he had been left, still without consciousness, benumbed with cold 
and loss of blood. A surgeon, after examination, pronounced him yet 
alive, and made preparations to restore him to animation. A Scottish 
commissary present, who knew Capt. Lamb, and was familiar with 
some of his exploits that had made him obnoxious to British ire, sug- 
gested that it would be better to let him die, as, if he was recovered, 
the King's vengeance would certainly be visited upon him. But the 
suggestion was not accepted. Capt. Lamb was revived and carried to 
the convent of the nuns of the order of Mercy, then a temporary hos- 
pital ; not, however, without being plundered of his shoes and buckles, 
by some of the underlings ; and, without shoes, supported by two mem 
he Vvas assisted over the paved court, covered with snow, and put to 
bed in that condition, in his wet garments. He recovered slowly, but 
through life suffered inconvenience from rigidity of the jaw. 

Before being released, Capt. Lamb was appointed by Washington 
to be second Major in the regiment of Aitillery commanded by Col jnel 
Henry Knox. He was subsequently made Lieutenant Colonel. He 
was in command of the Artillery at West Point, when Arnold's 
treachery and flight was discovered, and was filled with indignation 
when the disclosure was made. He had been in the most friendly 
relations with Arnold, but this event caused an instantaneous revulsion 
of feeling. By one of the numerous flags which passed the lines on 
the occasion of the capture of Andre^ the officer who brought it was 
charged to present the regards of Gen. Arnold to Col. Lamb. " Be 
good enough, sir," was the reply, " to tell Gen= Arnold that the 
acquaintance between us is forgotten, and that, if he were to be hanged 
to-morrow, I would go barefooted to witness his execution." 

In the battle at Compo Hill, Conn., in 1777, (ol. Lamb was struck by 
a grape shot and severely wounded. After the wound had been dressed, 
he was taken to the house of Mr. Simpson, temporarily resident of 
Norwalk, and afterwards to Col. Deming's, at Fairfield. As soon as 
it was prudent to move, he repaired to New Haven and took command 
of that place, which had been, in the absence of Gen. Arnold, confided 
to Lieut. Colonel Oswald. Col. Lamb fought gallantly at Yorktown, 
but did not secure the reward of promotion that his friends with good 
reason expected he would. After leaving the army, in which he had 



62 APPENDIX. 

made an honorable record, he was elected a member of the New York 
General Assembly, and took a prominent and influential part in public 
affairs. He was also raised to the rank of Brigadier General. He 
was appointed Collector of the Customs for the Port of New York, the 
duties of which office he discharged with scrupulous fidelity, but the 
embezzlement of a clerk in whom he imposed entire confidence, 
involved him in pecuniary ruin. The reimbursement of the loss 
absorbed his entire fortune, and he retired from ofiice in poverty and 
distress but with the warm sympathy of both friends and political 
opponents. General Lamb was an original member of the Society of 
Cincinnati, and had been twice Vice-President of that body. He died 
in New York, May 31st, 1800, aged 65 years, and was buried in 
Trinity Church Yard, with the military honors which he had so well 
deserved ; and the long array of citizens, as they attended him to the 
tomb, attested the respect which his virtues, his bravery, and worth 
had universally commanded.* A very interesting Life of Gen. Lamb, 
by Isaac Q. Leake, w^as published by Joel Munsell, Albany, in 1850. 
The press of Mr. Munsell has become celebrated for elegant editions of 
rare works. 

General Richard Montgomery was a native of the North of 
Ireland, and was born in the year 1737. Choosing the profession of 
arms, he entered the British service, and, as Captain of a company in 
the 17th Regiment of foot, he fought under General Wolfe in the 
assault upon Quebec, in 1759. He returned to England, and in 1772, 
retired from the army. Coming again to America, he settled in New 
York and married a daughter of Judge Livingston. He was an officer 
of superior military ability, and but for his untimely death, would 
doubtless have rendered the country invaluable services. Few officers 
were so universally beloved by his men, or held in ^varmer regard by 
all who knew him. 

" All enmity to Montgomery expired with his life, and the respect 

to his private character prevailed over all other considerations 

The most powerful speakers in the British Parliament displayed their 
eloquence in praising his virtues, and lamenting his fate. A great 
orator, and veteran fellow-soldier of his in the late war, shed abundance 
of tears whilst he expatiated on their past friendship and participation 



^Several writers state that Capt. Lamb and his company, formed a part of Ar- 
nold's force, in the expedition by the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers. This error 
originated, perhaps, in the fact that Lamb fought under Arnold's command in the 
attack on Quebec, and his connection with Montgomery being generally unknown. 



APPENDIX. 63 

of service in that season of enterprise and glory. Even the minister 
extolled his virtues." — Annual Register for 1776.* 

Major Return J. Meigs was born in Middletown, Ct., in 1740. 
Soon after the battle of Lexington, he marched a company of infantry 
to the neighborhood of Boston, and received the commission of Major. 
He was assigned to Arnold's command, and showed great energy as an 
officer in the march through the wilderness against Quebec. He fought 
bravely in the assault upon that place and was taken prisoner. Upon 
being exchanged, he returned home, and in 1 777 was appointed Colo- 
nel. For a brilliant expedition to Long Island that year, he received 
the thanks of Congress and a sword. In 1779, lie commanded a regi- 
ment under Wayne at the capture of Stony Point. After the war he 
removed to Ohio, and settled near the continence of the Ohio and 
Muskingum rivers. As early as 1816 he was the agent for Indian 
affairs. He died at the Cherokee agency. His christian name, Return., 
was given him by his father, in commemoration of the happy termina- 
tion of an interview with a fair Quakeress who at first rejected his suit ; 
but, on taking his departure, she sweetly called to him, saying, ^'return, 
Jonathan" and consented to become his bride. 

Capt. Daniel Morgan was born in New Jersey in 1737, and in 
1755 emigrated to Virginia, where he was employed first as a farmer, 
and afterwards as a wagoner. He shared in the perils of Braddock's 
expedition against the Indians, and received a wound in his neck and 
cheek. At the commencement of the Revolutionary war he cast his 
lot with the sons of freedom, and raised a company of riflemen. In the 
assault upon Quebec he was in the hottest of the fight. On being 
exchanged he rejoined the army, and received the command of a regi- 
ment. He fought with Gates at Saratoga, and with Greene in the South. 
He was made brevet Brigadicsr Generah For his bravery at the bat- 
tle of the Cowpens, Jan. 1, 1781, Congress voted him a gold medal. 
In the Whiskey Insurrection, Washington called him to command the 
militia of Virginia. He was afterwards elected a member of Congress. 
He died at Winchester, Va., after a long and painful sickness, in 1799. 

Captain Eleazer Oswald was from New Haven, Conn. He 
served under Arnold at Ticonderoga, and volunteering to accompany 
him through the wilderness to Quebec, was made secretary to his com- 
mander. In the assault upon that place, he led a forlorn hope, and 
exhibited great courage. He was taken prisoner, and after being 



*See Introduction. 



64 APPENDIX. 

exchanged, received the appointment of Lieutenant Colonel in Colonel 
Lamb's regiment of Artillery. For a short time he was stationed at 
New Haven, with such recruits as he had been enabled to collect. 
From thence he proceeded to Providence, to secure the services of an 
accomplished musician who he had learned might be obtained there^ 
and also to promote enlistments. On arriving at Providence he found 
that the fifer had been recently promoted to a Majority in the line of 
the army, and consequently, as he wrote, " above that business." Li a 
short time he returned to Connecticut, and, during the temporary 
absence of Col. Lamb, took charge of the affairs of the regiment. He 
was in tb(3 affair at Compo, and afterwards with part of two companies 
and three field pieces, joined Arnold at Norwalk. He was subsequently 
with his regiment at Peekskill, where, receiving personal indignity 
from Gen. Putnam, he determined to resign, but through the influence 
of friends, was induced to forego his purpose. Lieut. Col. Oswald 
participated in the battle of Monmouth, and for his gallant services 
received the commendations of Generals Knox and Lee. In August, 
1778, being unjustly outranked, through the enmity of Gen. Gates, 
who disliked him on account ot his devotion to Washington, he resigned 
his commission. After leaving the army, he entered into the printing 
and publishing business in Philadelphia, was appointed public printer, 
and was a resident of that city during the time it was under the com- 
mand of Arnold. The treason of that officer drew from Oswald several 
indignant letters. In a letter to Col. Lamb, he said : " Happy for him, 
and for his friends, it had been, had the ball which pierced his leg at 
Saratoga, been directed through his heart ; he then would have finished 
his career in glory, but the remainder of his wretched existence, must 

now be one continued scene of horror, misery and despair 

He has convinced the world that he is as base a prostitute as this or 
any other country ever nurtured to maturity, and as a punishment for 
the enormity of his crimes, the mark of Cain is branded on him in the 
most indelible characters." 

In the political discussions of the times, Lieut. Col. Oswald took an 
active part, and, under extraordinary provocation, sent a challenge to 
Col. Hamilton, which, upon satisfactory explanation, was withdrawn. 
During the French Revolution he went to England on business, and, 
guided by his natuial enthusiasm for liberty and passion for military 
renown, crossed the channel and entered the army of Dumourier. He 
was placed in command of a regiment of artillery, and served with 
credit in the battle of Mons or Jemappe. He returned to his native 
land, and in October, 1795, died of small pox, contracted while nursing 



APPENDIX. 65 

a friend who had been fatally attacked by that pestilence. On the 2d 
of October he was buried in St. Paul's church yard, in New York. 

Rev. Samuel Spring, the chaplain of Arnold's detachment, was 
born in Northbridge, Mass., February 27, 1746, and was educated at 
Princeton College, where he graduated in 1771. On his return from 
Quebec he left the army, and August 6, 1777, received ordination. 
He was a minister for many years in Newburyport, Mass., and was an 
attractive preacher. He was one of the founders of the Massachusetts 
Missionary Society in 1799, and also of the Andover Theological Sem- 
inary, and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions. His publications were numerous. He died March 4, 1819, 
aged 73 years. His son. Rev. Gardner Spring, D.D., has long been 
one of the prominent clergymen of New York. 

Captain Matthew Smith commanded a company from Lancaster 
county, Penn. Henry, who served under him, says, " he was a good 
looking man, had the air of a soldier, but was illiterate, and outrageously 
talkative." Previous to the assault upon Quebec, he was present by 
invitation of General Montgomery, at a council of officers. On one 
occasion, in the march through the wilderness, he saved a soldier who 
had violated an order prohibiting the firing of guns, from summary 
punishment by Morgan. The soldier denied having committed the 
offence. Morgan, in a momentary passion, seized a billet of wood and 
threatened to knock him down unless he confessed the fact. Where- 
upon Smith seized another billet and threatened to serve Morgan in 
like manner if he struck the man. Morgan knowing the tenure of his 
rank, receded. 

Dr. Isaac Senter was born in Londonderry, in the State of New 
Hampshire, in the year 1753. Of his boyhood life no particulars are 
preserved. Choosing the Healing Art for a profession, he went to 
Newport, R. L, and engaged in the study of medicine, under the direc- 
tion of Dr. Thomas Moffat, a Scotch physician of eminence. The 
ardor with which he pursued his studies did not render him indifferent 
to the important events then transpiring. Every fibre of his heart was 
patriotic, and when the tidings of the battle of Lexington reached 
Newport, he instantly joined the Rhode Island troops as a volunteer 
surgeon, and accompanied them to the camp of the American army 
in Cambridge. He soon after received an appointment of surgeon in 
the Continental line, and was assigned to the detachment unde^r Arnold 
for the Canada expedition. Dr. Senter was now twenty-two years of 
age, and his new position opened to him a wide field for gathering 
9 



66 APPENDIX. 

medical and surgical experience. His life, on the memorable march 
through the wilderness to Quebec, was replete with adventure, while 
frequent demands were made on his professional services. Cheerful 
and hopeful under multiplied discouragements, he pressed on with his 
companions, at one time wading through swamps, sinking half-leg deep 
in the mire at every step, and at another feeding on " the jawbone of a 
swine destitute of any covering, boiled in a quantity of water with a 
little thickening ;" but all the way invulnerable to persuasions to turn 
back. As a specimen of his experience, the following extracts from 
bis Journal are given : 

Tuesday, Oct. 24«A.— Approaching necessity now obliged ns to double our dili- 
gence. Three miles only had we proceeded ere we came to a troublesome water- 
fall in the river, distant half a mile. Not more than the last mentioned distance 
before we were broujrht up by another, distance the same. As the number of falls 
increased, the water became consequently more rapid. The heights of land upon 
each side of the river, which had hitherto been inconsiderable, now became prodi- 
giously mountainous, closing as it were up the river with an aspect of an immense 
height. The river was now become very narrow, and such a horrid current as ren- 
dered it impossible to proceed in any other method than by hauling the batteaux 
up by the bushes, painters, &c. Here we met several boats returning loaded with 
invalids, and lamentable stories of the inaccessibleness of the river, and the imprac- 
ticability of any further progress into the country. Among which was Mr. Jackson, 
before mentioned, complaining of the gout most severely, joined to all the terrors 
of approaching famine. I was now exhorted in the most pathetic terms to return, 
on pain of famishing upon contrary conduct, and the army were all returning except 
a few who were many miles forward with Col. Arnold. However, his elocution 
did not prevail; I therefore bid him adieu and proceeded. Not far had I proceeded 
before I discovered several wrecks of batteaux belonging to the front division of 
riflemen, &c., with an increased velocity of the water. A direful, howling wilderness 
not describable. With much labour and difficulty, I arrived with the principal part 
of my baggage (leaving the batteaux made fast) to the encampment. Two miles 
from thence I met the informants last mentioned, where were Col. Greene's divis- 
ion, &c., waiting for the remainder of the army to come up, that they might get 
some provisions, ere they advanced any further. Upon inquiry, I found them 
almost destitute of any eatable whatever, except a few canHles, which were used for 
supper, and breakfast the next morning, by boiling them in water gruel, &c. 

Wednesday, 25th. —Erery prospect of distress now came thundering on with a 
two-fold rapidity. A storm of snow had covered the ground of nigh six inches 
deep, attended with very severe weather. We now waited in anxious expectation 
for Col. Enos' division to come up, in order that we might iiave a recruit of provis- 
ions ere we could start otf the ground. An express was ordered both up and down 
the river, the one up the river in quest of Col. Arnold, that he might be informed 
of the state of the army, many of whom were now entirely destitute of any suste- 
nance. The Col. had left previous orders for the two divisions, viz: Greene's and 
Enos', to come to an adjustment of the provisions — send back any who were indis- 
posed, either in body or mind, and pursue him with the others immediately. The 
other express went down the river to desire Col. Enos and officers to attend in con- 
sultation. They accordingly came up before noon, when a council of war was 
ordered. Here sat a number of grimacers— melancholy aspects who had been 



APPENDIX. 67 

preaching to their men the doctrine of impenetrability and non-perseverance. Col. 
Enos in the chair. The matter was debated upon the expediency of proceeding on 
for Quebec. The party against goin^ urging the impossibility, averring the whole 
provisions, when averaged, would not support the army five days. 

The arrangements of men and provisions were made at Fort Wester'n, in such a 
manner as to proceed with the greater expedition. For this end, it was thought 
necessary that Capt. Morgan's company, with a few pioneers, should advance in 
the first division, Col. Greene's in the second, and Enos, with Capt. Colbourn's com- 
pany of artificers, to bring up the rear. The advantage of the arrangement was 
very conspicuous, as the rear division would not only have the roads cut, rivers 
cleared passable for boats, &c., but stages or encampments formed and the bough 
huts remaining for the rear. The men being thus arranged, the provisions were 
distributed according to the supposed difficu'ty, or facility, attending the different 
dispositions. Many of the first companies took only two or three barrels of flour 
with several of bread, most in a small proportion. While the companies in the last 
division had not less than tourteen ot flour and ten of bread. The bread, as men- 
tioned before, was condemned in consequence of the leaky casks, therefore the 
proportion of bread being much greater in the first division, their loss was conse- 
quently the greater. These hints being premised, I now proceed to the determina- 
tion of the council of war. After debating upon the state of the army with respect 
to provisions, there was found very little in the division then encamped at the falls, 
(which I shall name Hydrophohus.) The other companies not being come up, either 
through fear that they should be obliged to come to a divider, or to show their dis- 
approbation of proceeding any further. The question bemg put whether all to 
return, or only part, the majority were for part only returning. Part only of the 
officers of those detachments were in this council. 

According to Col. Arnold's recommendation, the invalids were allowed to return, 
as al^o the timorous. The oflficers who were for going forward, requested a divis- 
ion of the provisions, and that it was necessary they should have the far greater 
quantity in proportion to the number of men, as the supposed distance that they had 
to go ere they arrived into the inhabitants was greater than what they had come, after 
leaving the Centbec inhabitants. To this the returning party (being pre-deter- 
mined) would not consent, alledging that they would cither go back with what 
provisions they had, or if they must go forward they'd not impart any. Col. Enos, 
though [he] voted for proceeding, yet had undoubtedly preengaged to the contrary, 
as every action demonstrated. Tt» compel them to ajust division, we were not in a 
situation, as being ihe weakest party. Expostulations and entreaties had hitherto 
been fiuitiess. Col. Enos, who more immediately commanded the division of 
returners, was called upon to give positive orders for a small quantity, if no more. 
He replied that his men were out of his power, and that they had determined to 
keep their possessed quantity whether they went back or forward. They finally con- 
cluded to spare [us] 2^ barrels of flour, if determined to pursue our destination; 
adding that we never should be able to bring [in] any inhabitants. Thus circum- 
stanced, we were left the alternative of accepting their small pittance, and proceed, 
or return. The former was adopted, with a determined resolution to go through or 
die. Received it, put it on board of our boats, quit the few tents we were in pos- 
session of, with all other camp equipage, took each man to his duds on his back, 
bid them adieu, and away — passed the river; passed over falls and encamped. 

Monday, 2Qth. — Cooking being very much out of fashion, we had little else to do 
than march as quick as light permitted; half an hour only brought us to a water which 
we imagined to be a creek formed by the lake; laid our course more southwardly 
endeavoring to go round it, but three miles march evinced our mistake; our creek 



68 APPENDIX. 

proved to be a river of four rorls wide. The depth and width of this river rendered 
it unfordable, nor [was] it possible to form a bridge, as nothing of an}' bigness 
grew on its banks. It was now conjectured this river made out of the Alles2;hany 
chain of mountains, which we had therefore the marching round it impracticable. 
We therefore concluded to proceed up it till it was fordable. "We had not gone far 
before we came to a place about four feet deep, which we immediately forded, 
althoao:b much frozen on each side. This Balneum Frigiduni served to exercise 
our motion in order to keep from freezing. Our main course was W. N. W., and 
only varied to escape the bogs, mountains, small ponds, water streams, &c., of 
which we met with many. This was the third day we had been in search of the 
Chaudiere, who were only seven computed miles distant the 28th inst. Nor were 
we possessed of any certainty that our course would bring us either to the lake or 
river, not knowing the point it lay from where we started. However, we came to 
a resolution to continue it. In this state of uncertainty, we wandered through 
hideous swamps and mountainous precipices, with the conjoint addition of cold, 
wet and hunger, not to mention our fatigue— with the terrible apprehension of 
furnishing in this desert. The pretended pilot was not less frightened than many of 
the rest; added to that the severe execrations he received, from the front of 
the army to the rear, made his office not a little disagreeable- Several of the 
men towards evening were reafiy to give up any thoughts of ever arriving at the 
desired haven. Hunger and fatigue had so much the ascendency over many of the 
poor fellows, added to their despair of arrival, that some of them were left in the 
river, nor were heard of afterwards. In turn with Col. Greene, I carried the com- 
pass the greater part of this day. In this condition, we proceeded with as little 
knowledge of where we were, or where we should get to, as if we had been in the 
unknown interior of Africa, or the deserts of Arabia. Just as the sun was depart- 
ing, we brought a pond or lake, which finally proved to be Chaudiere, and soon the 
small foot-path made by the other division of the army, whose choice turned to 
their account. Our arrival here was succeeded with three huzzas, and then came 
to our encampment. 

TrtesdoT/, 31 s^ —The appearance of daylight roused us as usual, and we had 
advanced with all possible speed till about 11 o'clock, ere we saw the Chaudiere 
river, which we last night imagined within a mile. Animated afresh with the sight 
of a stream, which we very well knew would conduct us into the inhabitants if our 
strength continued, we proceeded with renewed vigor. The emptying of the Chau- 
diere is beautiful, and formed a very agreeable ascent, though the stream is some- 
what rapid. The land was now much descending, yet very difficult, travelling. 
The spruce, cedar and hemlock were the chief growth of the earth, and these were 
in tolerable plenty, almost impenetrably so in many places. We now began to dis- 
cover the wrecked batteaux of those who conducted the ammunition, &c. These 
were seven in number, who followed the seven mile stream into the Chaudiere lake, 
river, &c., and soon came to an encampment, where I found Capt. Morgan and 
most of the boaimen who were wrecked upon a fall in the river, losing everything 
except their lives, which they all saved by swimming, except one of Morgan's rifle- 
men. This was the first man drowned in all the dangers we were exposed to, and 
the third [lost] by casualties, except some lost in the wilderness, the number 
unknown. At this encampment was Lieut. McCleland, of Morgan's company, 
almost expiring with a violent peripneumonia. Necessaries were distributed as 
much as possible, with two lads of the company in charge of him. Nor was this 
poor fellow the only one left sick upon this river. Life depending upon a vigorous 
push for the inhabitants, and that did not admit of any stay for any person ; nor 
could the two lads have been prevailed upon had not provisions been dealt out suf- 
ficient to conduct them to the inhabitants, with the promising to send them relief 



APPENDIX. 69 

as soon as possible from the settlements. In this general wreck, my medicine box 
suffered the fate of the rest, with a set of capital instruments, &c. Though little 
was to be feared from either my chirurgical apparatus or physical potions, I had, 
however, a few necessaries in that way m my knapsack, &c,, with a lancet in my 
pocket, which enabled me at least to comply with the Sangradoine method. 

On the 8th of November, Dr. Senter reached Point Levi, and soon 
after crossed the river with the army, which advanced to the Plains of 
Abraham, and on the 18th fell back to Point Aux-Trembles, to await 
the arrival of General Montgomery. When the array advanced to 
Quebec, and an assault upon the city had been planned, Dr. Senter 
solicited Colonel Arnold for permission to lead a company whose Cap- 
tain was absent, and which, on that account, it was supposed would 
tarry behind. To this application, the following answer was returned : 

" Dear Sir.— I am much obliged to you for your offer, and glad to see you so 
spirited, but cannot consent you should take up arms, as you will be wanted in the 
way of your profession. You will please to prepare dressings, &c., and repair to 
the main guard house at 2 o'clock in the morning, with an assistant. 
I am in haste, yours, 

B. Arnold, Col. 
Dr. Senter, 

27 Dec, 1775." 

Though disappointed in his patriotic purpose, the Doctor found 
ample scope for his services in the hospital, and singularly enough, the 
first subject of his professional skill was Colonel Arnold himself. 

The small pox, which early appeared in the army, still extensively 
prevailed, and after the army fell back to Sorel, Dr. Senter was 
ordered by General Thomas to Montreal, to erect a Hospital for the 
reception of patients. On applying to General Arnold, he obtained a 
fine capacious house belonging to the East India Company, capable of 
accommodating about six hundred persons. The only precautionary 
measure known at that time was innoculation, which had not as yet 
become popular. Dr. Senter, for personal safety and perhaps as an 
example to the men, had already had the varioloid matter transferred 
into his arm, and innoculation became general. An entire regiment at 
a class went through the operation together, and had the disease so 
mildly that they were able to do garrison duty during the whole time. 

On retiring from the army, in 1779, Dr. Senter established himself 
as a physician in the town of Cranston, R. I. About this time he was 
elected a Representative to the General Assembly from that town, and 
afterwards was appointed Surgeon and Physician General of the State. 
Subsequently he removed to Newport, where he continued the practice 
of his profession under the most favorable circumstances, as almost all 
the old physicians had either died or emigrated during the war. He 



70 APPENDIX. 

became eminent not only as an industrious and successful practitioner, 
but also as the author of several essays on professional subjects, which 
appeared in the medical publications of the day, and added greatly to 
his reputation at home and in Europe. He was elected an honorary 
member of the Medical and Chirurgical Societies of Edinburg and 
London, and an honorary member of the Massachusetts Medical Soci- 
ety. Among his pupils were Dr. Danforth, " the Medical Hercules " 
of Boston, and Dr. VVaterhouse, the accomplished botanist, professor 
and writer, and who introduced vaccination into America. 

Dr. Senter married Eliza Arnold, daughter of Captain Rhodes 
Arnold, of Pawtuxet, R. I. He had four sons and two daughters. The 
eldest son, Horace Gates, was a physician of eminence, and was for 
some time in the Hospitals of London. His second son, Nathaniel 
Greene, was several years in the East India Service. His third son 
was Edward Gibson, also a student of medicine. His fourth son, 
Charles Churchill, died at the age of 17 years. His eldest daughter, 
Eliza Antoinette, married Rev. Nathan Bourne Crocker, D.D., for 
more than half a century the honored Rector of St. John's Church, in 
the City of Providence. His second daughter, Sarah Ann, married 
Clement S. Hunt, of the U. S. Navy. 

For several years Dr. Senter was President of the Society of Cin- 
cinnati of Rhode Island. In person he was tall and well proportioned, 
and possessing great muscular strength. In his manners he was bland, 
dignified, and social. The late Rev. Dr. William Ellery Channing 
mentions him as " a physician of extensive practice, who was thought 
to unite with great experience a rare genius in his profession, and 
whose commanding figure rises before me at the distance of forty-five 
years, as a specimen of manly beauty, worthy the chisel of a Grecian 
sculptor." In the height of his reputation and usefulness, he was 
attacked with a disorder, caused by the severity of his professional 
labors, which terminated his life, to the great regret of his fellow-citi- 
zens, on the 21st day of December, 1799, at the age of forty-six years. 
His Journal of the Pixpedition against Quebec, which has been freely 
used in the preceding pages, was published by the Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society in 1846, and is one of the most valuable memorials of 
the scenes it records. 

Simeon Thayer, son of David and Jane Keith Thayer, was born 
in Mendon, Mass., April 30, 1737. His brothers and sisters were Jean, 
David, Susanna, George, Faithful, Jemima, Mary and Elizabeth. 
David Thayer, the father, was the grandson of Ferdinando, the son of 



APPENDIX. 71 

Thomas, who came early to New England with Margery his wife. 
Ferdinando married Huldah Hayward, of Braintree, Mass., Jan. 14, 
1652. He lived in that town until after his father's decease, when he 
removed to Mendon with a Colony from Braintree and Weymouth. 

Simeon, the subject of this notice, was apprenticed to a Peruke-ma- 
ker, probably in Providence. His bold and decided nature loved 
adventure, and it is not surprising that we find him, in 1756, a member 
of a Rhode Island regiment, serving in the French War. In 1757, he 
served in the Massachusetts line, under the command of Col. Fry, and 
was principally in the Rangers, under Rogers. He was personally in 
three engagements with the Indians, in each of which many of the 
Rangers were killed. In August of the same year, he was in Fort 
William Henry, when taken by Montcalm, which surrendered on the 
morning of the 7th day from the commencement of the siege. After 
being detained twenty hours he, with the rest of the garrison, was dis- 
armed and stripped of all his clothes, leaving him with only an under 
waistcoat. As he was passing down the road near Bloody Pond, he 
was attacked by an Indian, who seized him by the back of his waist- 
coat collar with the right hand and dragged him towards a swamp on 
the left, about twelve or fifteen rods. His captor held in his left hand 
a tomahawk and scalping knife. Thayer's shoulder, as the Indian was 
forcing him along, struck against a small tree, which stopped hira. His 
waistcoat broke open and slipped off, which, as the Indian was pulling 
with main strength, precipitated him upon the earth, at some distance. 
Thayer being thus disengaged, ran into the woods, where he joined the 
rest of the troops. In passing on, the road being crowded, he v^ith a 
companion took a path called the plank guard patii. They soon per- 
ceived an Indian with a tomahawk pursuing them. They both ran, 
and coming to a tree that had been blown up by the roots, he crept 
under, while his companion, endeavoring to leap over, was struck by 
the tomahawk, thrown with unerring skill, and was killed. Thayer 
made his escape once more, by running round the top of the tree, and 
in an hour or two reached Fort Edward. The excessive fatis:ue of 
running so great a distance in a short time, in intensely hot weather, 
brought on an inflammation which impaired his health for many years, 
and prevented his entering the service again during the war.* 

*Captain Jonathan Carvek, a nativa of Connecticut, and who commanded a 
company of Provincial troops in the "French war," was at Fort William Henry 
as a volunteer during this siege, and thus describes the scenes that followed the 
capitulation : 

"In consideration of the jiallant defence the garrison had made, they were to be 
permitted to march out with all the honors of war, to be allowed covered waggons 



72 APPENDIX. 

On returning to Providence, young Thayer probably settled down 
in the business to which he had been bred, as the registry of deeds 
shows that in 1761, "Simeon Thayer, Periwig-maker," purchased an 
estate on "Stamper's Hill," of Margaret Smith, weaver, for £2100, 
"old tenor." The same year he was married. The events that transpired 
between this date and the first resistance to British tyranny, on 
the waters of Rhode Island in 1772, were well calculated to raise the 
blood of Thayer to a fever-heat of patriotism, and prepare him for the 
step he subsequently took. When the design of Britain made it nec- 
essary for the Colonies to arm for their defence, he was an officer in a 
chartered company of Grenadiers in Providence. His zeal for the 
public welfare and the reputation he had acquired as a friend to liberty, 

to transport their baggage to Fort Edward, and a guard to protect them from the 
fury of the savages. 

The morning after the capitulation was signed, as soon as day broke, the whole 
garrison, now consisting of about two thousand men, besides women and children, 
were drawn up within the lines, and on the point of marching off, when great num- 
bers of the Indians gathered about, and began to plunder. We were at first in 
hopes that this was their only view, and suffered them to proceed without opposi- 
tion. Indeed it was not in our power to make any, had we been so inclined; for 
though we were permitted to carry off our arms, yet we were not allowed a single 
round of ammunition. In these hopes however we were disappointed; for presently 
some of them began to attack the sick and wounded, when such as were notalile to 
crawl into the ranks, notwithstanding they endeavored to avert the fury of their 
enemies by their shrieks or groans, were soon dispatched. 

Here we were fully in expectation that the disturbance would have concluded, 
and our little army began to move; but in a short time we saw the front division 
driven back, and discovered that we were entirely encircled by the savages. We 
expected every moment that the guard, which the French by the articles of capitu- 
lation, had agreed to allow us, would have arrived, and put an end to our appre- 
hensions; but none appeared. The Indians now began to strip every one witliout 
exception of their arms and clothes, and those who made the least resistance felt 
the weight of their tomahawks. 

I happened to be in the rear division, but it was not long before I shared the fate 
of my companions. Three or four of the savages laid hold of me, and whilst some 
held their weapons over my head, the others soon disrobed me of my coat, waist- 
coat, hat and bucl^les, omitting not to take from me what money I had in my 
pocket. As this was transacted close by the passage that led from the lines on to 
the plain, near which a French sentintl was posted, I ran to him and claimed his 
protection; but he only called me an English dog, and thrust me with violence back 
again into the midst of the Indians. 

I now endeavored to join a body of our troops that were crowded together at 
some distance; but innumerable were the blows that were made at me with different 
weapons as I passed on; luckily however the savages were so close together that 
they could not strike at me without endangering each other. Notwithstanding 
which one of them found means to make a thrust at me wirh a spear, which grazed 
my side, and from another I received a wound, with the same kind of weapon, in 
my ancle. At length I gained the spot where my countrymen stood, and forced 



APPENDIX. 73 

pointed him out as a suitable person to be trusted, and in May, 1775, 
he was accordingly appointed a Captain by tlie General Assembly. 
Three days after his appointment, he had completed his company, hav- 
ing enlisted every man himself. On Sunday, the 19th of May, an 
express arrived from near Boston, stating that the British were march- 
ing out to Doi'chester, to burn some buildings. In two hours' time, 
Thayer assembled his company, dealt out their arms, ammunition 
blankets, &c., and marched with every man. He was met nine miles 
from town by an express, and informed that the British had returned 
into Boston, and as it was then late, he halted and took up his quarters 
in Attleborough meeting house for that night. The next day he pro- 
ceeded on to Roxbury, where he arrived eight days before any other 



myself into the midst of them. But before I got thus far out of the hands of the 
Indians, the collar and wristbands of my shirt were all that remained of it, and my 
flesh was scratched and torn in many places by their savage gripes. 

By this time the war whoop was j^iven, and the Indians began to murder those 
that were nearest to them without distinction. It is not in the power of words to 
give any tolerable idea of the horrid scene that now ensued; men, women and 
children were dispatched in the most wanton and cruel manner, and immediately 
scalped. Many of these savages drank the blood of their victims, as it flowed warm 
from the fatal wound. 

We now perceived, thout^h too late to avail us, that we were to expect no relief 
from the French; and that, contrary to the agreement they had so lately signed to 
allow us a sufficient force to protect us from these insults, they tacitly permitted 
them; for I could plainly perceive the French officers walking about at some dis- 
tance, discoursing together with apparent unconcern. For the honor of human 
nature I would hope that this flagrant breach of every sacred law proceeded rather 
from the savage disposition of the Indians, which I acknowledge it is sometimes 
almost impossible to control, and which might now unexpectedly have arrived to a 
pitch not easily to be restrained, than to any premeditated design in the French 
commander. An unprejudiced observer would, however, be apt to conclude, that 
a body often thousand troops, mostly christian troops, had it in their power to pre- 
vent the massacre from becoming so general. But whatever was the cause from 
which it arose, the consequences of it were dreadful, and not to be paralleled in 
modern history. 

As the circle in which I stood enclosed by this time was much thinned, and death 
seemed to be approaching with hasty strides, it was proposed by some of the most 
resolute to make one vigorous eff"ort, and endeavor to force our way through the 
savages, the only probable method of preserving our lives that now remained. This, 
however desperate, was resolved on, and about twenty of us sprung at once into 
the midst of them. 

In a moment we were all separated, and what was the fate of my companions I 
could not learn till some months after, when I found that only six or seven of them 
effected their design. Intent only on my own hazardous situation, I endeavored to 
make my way through my savage enemies in the best manner possible. And I 
have often been astonished since, when I have recollected with what composure I 
took, as I did, every necessary step for my preservation. Some I overturned, being 
at that time young and athletic, and others I passed by, dexterously avoiding their 
10 



74 APPENDIX. 

troops from Rhode Island. On the 20th of September he was chosen 
to accompany Arnold in his memorable march by the way of the Ken- 
nebec river to Quebec, and in the unsuccessful attack on the town was, 
with many other officers and soldiers, made prisoner. He was kept 
closely confined for nine months, part of that time in irons, on board a 
prison ship, before he was admitted to parole. In September, 1776, 
he returned to Providence, 

On the 1st of July, 1777, Captain Thayer was exchanged, and in the 
same month the General Assembly of Rhode Island ordered a "genteel 
silver hilted sword " to be presented to him as a testimony of their 
sense of his services. In anticipation of his exchange, the General 
Assembly had, in February preceding, appointed him Major in one 

weapons; till at last two very stout chiefs, of the most savage tribes, as I could dis- 
tinguish by their dress, whose strength I could not resist, laid hold of me by each 
arm, and began to force me through the crowd. 

I now resigned myself to ray fate, not doubting but that they intended to dispatch 
me, and then to satiate their vengeance with my blood, as I found they were hurry- 
ing me towards a retired swamp that lay at some distance. But before we had got 
many yards, an English gentleman of some distinction, as I could discover by his 
breeches, the only covering he had on, which were of fine scarlet velvet, rushed 
close by us. One of the Indians instantly relinquished his hold, and springing on 
this new object, endeavored to seize him as his prey; but the gentleman being 
strong, threw him oa the ground, and would probably have got away, had not he 
who held my other arm, quitted me to assist his brother. I seized the opportunity, 
and hastened away to join another party of English troops that were yet unbroken, 
and stood in a body at some distance. But before I had taken many steps, I hastily 
cast my eye towards the gentleman, and saw the Indian's tomahawk gash into his 
back and heard him utter his last groan; this added both to my speed and despera- 
tion. ' 

I had left this shocking scene but a few yards, when a fine boy about twelve years 
of age, that had hitherto escaped, came up to me, and begged that I would let him 
lay hold of me, so that he might stand some chance of getting out of the hands of 
the savages. I told him that I would give him every assistance in my power, and 
to this purpose bid him lay hold; but in a few moments he was torn from my side, 
and by his shrieks I judge was soon demolished. I could not help forgetting my 
own cares for a minute, to lament the fate of so young a suff'erer; but it was utterly 
impossible for me to take any methods to prevent it. 

I now got once more into the midst of friends, but we were unable to afford each 
other any succor. As this was the division that had advanced the farthest from the 
fort, I thought there mifiht be a possibility (though but a bare one) of my forcing 
my way through the outer ranks of the Indians, and getting to a neighboring wood, 
which I perceived at some distance. I was still encouraged to hope by the almost 
miraculous preservation I had already experienced. 

Nor were my hopes in vain, or the efforts I made ineffectual. Suffice it to say, 
that I reached the wood; but by the time I had penetrated a little way into it, my 
breath was so exhausted that 1 threw myself into a brake, and lay for some minutes 
apparently at the last gasp. At length I recovered the power of respiration; but 
mj' apprehensions I'eturned with all their former force, when I saw seveial savages 



APPENDIX. 75 

of the Rhode Island regiments, and as soon as circumstances permitted, 
he joined the army and marched to Red Bank. Here he was detached 
with 150 men to join Colonel Samuel Smith, then in command of Fort 
Mifflin, built on the lower end of Mud Island in the Delaware, to pre- 
vent the passage of the enemy's vessels up the river. He continued 
there three days, until the Hessians appeared as if they intended an 
attack on Red Bank, when he received an express from Col. Greene, 
ordering him to return with his troops, which he immediately did, and 
reached the fort just as the Hessians appeared in sight. Major Thayer 
commanded according to his rank dui-ing the action, and was detached 
about the dusk of the evening, with a small force to bring in the 
wounded. As he was employed in this humane service, two Hessian 
grenadiers approached and told him that their commanding officer, 
Count Donop, was lying wounded in the edge of the woods, near where 
their artillery played. Suspecting an attempt to decoy him into an 
ambuscade, he placed them under guard, telling them if they deceived 
him, tliey would immediately be put to death ; to this they readily 
assented, and conducted him to the place where they found the Count 
lying under a tree mortally wounded. The Count asked the Major if 
he was an officer, and of what rank, of which being satisfied he surren- 
dered himself a prisoner. Major Thayer caused six men to take him 
in a blanket and carry him with all possible care to the fort, where he 
was received by Coi. Greene. 

Colonel Smith commanded on Mud Island from the latter part of 
September, with the exception of a few days, until the 11th of Novem- 
ber, when, being wounded and worn down with fatigue, his request to 
retire from the fort was granted. The command then devolved upon 

pass bjj probably in pursuit of me, at no very great distance. In this situation I 
knew not whether it was better to proceed, or endeavor to conceal myself where I 
lay, till ni<2;ht came on; fearing, however, that they would return the same way, I 
thought it most prudent to get funher from the dreadful scene of my distresses. 
Accordingly, striking into another part of the wood, I hastened on as fast as the 
briars and the Io>s of one of my shoes would permit me; and after a slow progre s 
of some hours, gained a hill that overlooked the plain which I had just left, from 
whence I could discern that the bloody storm still njged with unabated fury. 

But not to tire my readers, I shall only add, that after passing three days without 
subsistence, and enduring the severity of the cold dews for three nights, I at length 
reached Fort Edward; where with proper care rny body soon recovered its wonted 
strength, and my mind, as far as the recollection of the late melancholy events 
would permit, its usual composure. 

It was computed that fifteen hundred persons were killed or made prisoners by 
these savages during this fatal day. Many of the latter were carried off by them 
and never returned. A few, through favorable accidents, found their way back to 
their native country, after having experienced a long and severe captivity." 



76 APPENDIX. 

• 

Lieutenant Colonel Russell, of the Connecticut line, an amiable, sensi- 
ble man, and an excellent officer, but being exhausted by fatigue, and 
broken down in health, he requested to be recalled. The Commander- 
in-Chief, his Excellency General Washington, had no idea of hold- 
ing the place through the campaign, but wished to retard the ope- 
rations of the enemy until the main army should be re-inforced by the 
Massachusetts brigade, marching from the conquest of Saratoga, when 
he would be in sufficient force to cover the country, or to meet the 
enemy's whole force in the field. Upon the 12th of November, he 
signified his orders to the commanding General, at Woodberry, on the 
Jersey side, who had the direction of all the forces below Philadelphia, 
to defend the island as long as possible without sacrificing the garrison. 
To defend it was absolutely impossible, unless the siege could be raised 
by an attack upon the besiegers from the main army. This was 
deemed impracticable by a general council of war, and therefore not 
farther considered as an ultimate object. Nothing could then present 
itself to a relieving officer, fully informed of all the circumstances, but 
certain death, or an improbable escape, without the possibility of con- 
tending upon equal terms. The love of our country may lead us to 
the field of battle, ambition may lure us to particular enterpi-ises, but 
magnanimity alone can soar above every danger ! The commanding 
General could not detach an officer in rotation ; his reasons were insu- 
perable. In a moment so critical, when everything dear to his feelings 
required an immediate decision, happy for him, and more happy for 
the United States, Major Thayer presented himself as a volunteer \ 
The offer was accepted with inexpressible satisfaction ; and from the 
12th to the morning of the 16th of November, he defended the Island 
with the greatest address, against a furious and almost continued can- 
nonade and bombardment from a variety of batteries at small distances. 
The defences at best were trifling ; the place itself was ill cliosen. 
Hog Island and Billingspost instead of Mud Island and Red Bank. 
But on the morning of the 15th, the whole British force was displayed 
from their land batteries and their shipping in the river. The small 
garrison sustained and repelled the shock with astonishing intrepidity, 
for several hours, assisted from our galleys and batteries on the Jersey 
shore. By the middle of the day, these defences were leveled with the 
common mud, and the gallant officers and men philosophically expected 
each other's fate in the midst of carnage. 

The grenadiers and light infantry of the British were paraded on 
the opposite shore, and the Vigilant, an Indiaman, cut down to a battery 
of twenty twenty-four pounders on one side, lay within twenty yards of 



APPENDIX. 77 

the troops. The attack was incessant. Two attempts from our galleys 
were unsuccessfully made to board the Vigilant. The commanding 
General was determined to fight the enemy on the Island if the Vigi- 
lant could be taken. She could not ; and nothing remained but to 
secure the garrison, whose distance from the enemy on both sides was 
not half so far as from the body of his troops upon the shore. During 
this day more than one thousand and thirty discharges of cannon from 
twelve and thirty-two pounders were made in twenty minufes. Such a 
day America never saw till then ! Early in the evening of the 15th, 
Major Thayer dispatched all his garrison, less than three hundred in 
number, to the shore, excepting forty, with whom he remained, braving 
death itself. At twelve at night, between the loth and 16th, the bar- 
racks were fired, all the military stores having previously been sent 
away, and the Major and his brave companions, he being the last from 
the scene of slaughter, arrived at Red Bank, to the joy and astonishment 
of all the army.* 

The first principal battle in 1778 was fought by Washington at 
Monmouth, N. J., June 28, a day of intense heat, and made memorable 
by the reprimand of Lee and the gallant conduct of Mary Pitcher, the 
wife of an American artillery-man, whose place she took when he fell 
wounded. In this battle Major Thayer participated, being then under 
Col. Sylla. He was detached with Gen. Scott to watch the motions of 
the enemy, and on the evening before the action the detachment of 
Scott was ordered to join the army. In this battle, Major Thayer 
underwent great fatigue. Sylla's regiment, by particular leave of Gen- 
eral Washington, marched to attack the enemy, who appeared on the 
left of the American army, and drove them through a morass. In 
this movement, the Major experienced in his head a wind-concussion, 
by the near passage of a cannon ball, which caused the blood to gush 
from both his eyes. Rallying from the shock, he tied a handkerchief 
over his face, and continued at his post all night. The effect of the 
concussion was to destroy his right eye. The next day he joined his 
Brigade, and being in excessive pain, he obtained leave to return to 
Morristown until he should recover. 

*General Knox, Avriting to Colonel Lamb, says, " The defence of Fort Mifflin was 

as p;allant as is to be found in history The brave little garrison, then 

commanded by Major Thayer, of the Rhode Island troops, had but two cannon but 
what were dismounted. These soon shared the fate of the others. Every body who 
appeared on the platform was killed or wounded, by the musketry from the tops 
of the ships, whose yards almost hung over the battery. Long before night there 
was not a single palisade left. All the embrasures ruined, and the whole parapet 
levelled. All the block houses had been battered down some days before.'' 



78 APPENDIX. 

Major Thayer remained at Morristown five weeks before he so far 
recovered as to be able to attend to duty. In the mean time, his regi- 
ment had been ordered to Rhode Island, to support Gen. Sullivan. 
Thither he followed, hoping to be in season to render service, and 
arrived three days before the General retreated from the Island. 

During the year 1779, Major Thayer was actively engaged in 
superintending enlistments, and in other ways promoting the interests 
of the Continental army. In December of that year he went by order 
of the General Assembly to headquarters in New Jersey, to transact 
business for the State . For the expenses of this journey £200 were 
provided, and also a horse for the orderly who accompanied him. In 
1780, he was Major in Colonel Angell's regiment in New Jersey. At 
Springfield the regiment was stationed at the bridge, when the enemy 
attacked that place. On that occasion he was posted in the centre, 
with orders to watch the motions of the enemy, and give intelligence 
to the commander of each wing. This post he sustained under four 
different attacks, and passed the road in front and escaped four diifer- 
ent times during the heavy fire, within pistol shot. When the regiment 
was forced to quit the ground Major Thayer commanded the rear, was 
the last to leave the field, and joined Gen. Greene on Rocky Hill. 
After the enemy retreated, Gen. Stark, who then commanded the brig- 
ade to which the Major belonged, requested that he would follow the 
enemy's rear, and make what discoveries he could of their motions. 
This request he complied with, and followed alone on horseback, keep- 
ing in sight of them until they crossed Elizabethtown bridge, notwith- 
standing whole platoons fired at him. The results of his observa- 
tions he reported to Generals Greene and Stark. When the Marquis 
de Lafayette was in danger of being surprised at Barren Hill Church, 
Major Thayer was chosen by him with 300 men to cover his retreat, 
where there was scarcely a possibility of escaping either being killed 
or taken prisoner. Fortunately, however, the Major succeeded in 
bringing off the whole of his detachment in the face of the enemy, — 
the Marquis having moved off the main body some time before. 

The brilliant defence of Fort Mifflin by Major Thayer was the theme 
of universal praise. Congress, not aware that Colonel Smith had 
retired from the command previous to the battle, and prompt to 
acknowledge brave conduct, passed a complimentary resolution direct- 
ing an elegant sword to be presented to the Colonel as a token of their 
high sense of his merit in that affair. The discovery of the error was 
too late for it to be corrected, and Colonel Smith accepted the sword as 
the reward of a battle he did not fight ! The unintentional injustice of 



APPENDIX. 79 

Congress was keenly felt both by Major Thayer and his friends in 
Rhode Island. General Varniim and Colonel Angell, his military com- 
patriots, and the late venerable John Rowland, Esq., a soldier of the 
Revolution, set the subject right t)efore the public, in communications 
that were published in the Providence Gazette in 1786, and in the 
Providence Journal in 1840, and all of which are preserved in Judge 
Cowell's " Spirit of '76." But while the page of history has been 
corrected, the official injustice is perpetuated. 

By the act of Congress of Oct. 3, 1780, the two Continental regi- 
ments of Rhode Island were consolidated, to take effect Jan. 1, 1781. 
Under this arrangement Major Thayer retired from the service. lie 
was subsequently for three successive years chosen by the General 
Assembly Brigadier General of the Militia of* Providence County. 

General Thayer was of medium height, active and energetic in his 
business habits, and in private intercourse an agreeable companion. 
He was married three times, viz : 

1. To Huldah Jackson, daughter of Stephen Jackson, Esq., of 
Providence. She was born Nov. — , 1738, and died April 28, 1771. 

2. To Mrs. Mary Tourtelott, born Dec. 24, 1742. 

3. To Mrs. Angell, sister to Huldah, his first wife. After 

the death of General Thayer, she married Darius Daniels. She was 
born in 1763, and died March 10, 1803, aged 40 years. 

The children of General Thayer were 

Nancy, born March 7, 1762; died May 1,1783. 

William Tourtelott, born May 11, 1767. 

Susan, born April 24, 1768; died same date. 

Stephen Tourtelott, died Feb. 2-5, 1769, 

Hannah Tourtelott, born Jan. 1, 1769; died March 31, 1769. 

Simeon, born March 24, 1770; died Sept. 9, 1791. 

Polly, born Oct. 25, 1772; died May 28, 1814. 

Richard Montgomery, born Dee. 3, 1775. 

Henry, born April 10, 1785. 

After leaving the army Major Thayer purchased, in 1781, of 
Nathaniel Balch, hatter, an estate consisting of a house and lot situated 
on " Stamper's Hill " for " $1350 Spanish milled dollars," and also a 
lot in the same vicinity, of Enos Smith, of Killingly, Ct., for "£10, 
lawful money." He erected a dwelling house on the spot now 
a small park near the head of Constitution Hill, and in 1784 opened a 
public house known as the " Montgomery Hotel," which he kept for 
several years, when he sold out and purchased a farm in Cumberland. 
There he continued to reside until his decease, which occurred Tues- 
day, Oct. 14th, 1800, in the 63d year of his age. He died by casualty, 



80 APPENDIX. 

having fallen or been thrown from his horse into a brook, while riding 
home from Providence, and being killed by the concussion or drowned. 
On Thursday, Oct. 16th, his remains were interred in the North burial 
ground, in Providence. The Society of Cincinnati, of which General 
Thayer died a member, voted to wear the usual badge of mourning on 
the left arm for twenty -one days, as a testimony of respect."* 

Major General John Thomas was descended from a respectable 
family in Plymouth County, Mass., and served with reputation in the 
war of 1756 against the French and Indians. In April, 1775, he 
resided in Kingston, Mass., and raised a regiment for the Continental 
service, and marched to Cambridge. He was soon appointed by Con- 
gress a Brigadier General, and during the siege of Boston commanded 
a division of the provincial troops at Roxbury. In March, 1776, he 
was appointed Major General, and after the death of Montgomery was 
entrusted with the command of the army in Canada. As stated in the 
Introduction to this Journal, he fell back with his forces from before 
Quebec to Sorel, was there taken sick of small pox and conveyed to 
Chambly, where he died May 30, 1776. Gen. Thomas was a man of 
sound judgment and undoubted courage. He was beloved by his sol- 
diers, and in private life endeared to friends by the amiability of his 
character. 

Captain John Topham was a native of Newport, R. I. His early his- 
tory is unknown. When the first measures were adopted for resisting 
the oppressive acts of the British government, he was found acting with 
the friends of freedom. He was appointed Captain-Lieutenant of 
Major Forrester's company of the regiment of Newport and Bristol, 
commanded by Colonel Thomas Church, forming a part of the " Army 
of Observation " raised by the General Assembly of Rhode Island in 
May, 1775. It is said, that on hearing the news of the battle of Lex- 
ington, Captain Topham raised a company and marched to Cambridge. 

^CAPTAIN Thayer's parole. 

I, Simeon Thayre, of Providence, 

In the Province of Rhode Island, hereby pledge my Faith and word of Honor to 
General Carleton, that I shall not do or say any thing contrary to the Interest of His 
Majesty, or bis Government, and that whenever required to do so, I shall repair to 
whatever Place his Excellency, or any other His Majesty's Commanders-in-Chief in 
America, shall judge expedient to order me. 

Given under my Hand at Quebec, 

this 3d Day of August, 1776. 

Simeon Thayre. 
A true copy. 



APPENDIX. 81 

There he joined the Continental army under Washington, then holding 
Boston in siege. He was subsequently assigned to Colonel Arnold's 
detacliment for service in Canada. Of the sufferings of himself and of 
his men in their march through the wilderness, his Journal (though 
imperfect) still preserved, is an interesting evidence. He was among 
the officers who, when the prospect of starvation was before them> 
unhesitatingly voted in a council of war to proceed. In the assault 
upon Quebec he made a noble record for bravery and efficiency. 
Here he was taken pj-isoner, and for four months and twelve days was 
not permitted to set his feet on the ground. But this close confine- 
ment only served to enhance the value of the freedom to secure which 
he had perilled his life, and he panted for an early opportunity to prove 
his unabated devotion. 

While still a prisoner, and in prospect of his early release, Captain 
Topliam was among the officers recommended by Washington (Oct. 
12,1776,) to command a company in one of the two new regiments 
then about to be raised in Rhode Island. Writing to Governor Cooke 
on this subject, Washington says, " Too much regard cannot be had to 
the choosing of men of merit, and such as are not only under the influ- 
ence of a warm attachment to their country, but who also possess sen- 
timents of principles of the strictest honor." He adds : " In respect to 
the officers that were in the Canada expedition, their behavior and 
merit, and the severities they have experienced, entitle them to a par- 
ticular notice, in my opinion. However, as they are under their 
paroles, I would recommend that vacancies should be reserved for such 
as you think fit to promote, not wishing them to accept commissions 
immediately, or to do the least act that may be interpreted a violation 
of their engagement." 

After being exclianged, the General Assembly of Rhode Island, in 
February, 1777, chose Captain Topham a Captain in the first Conti- 
nental battalion, under Major Ward. In June following, he was 
chosen Lieutenant Colonel in the brigade raised for fifteen months, 
under Colonel Archibald Crary. In December of the same year, he 
held the same rank in the second battalion of the regiment of artillery, 
under Colonel William Barton. In February, 1778, he was chosen 
Colonel in place of Colonel Barton, who had been transferred to the 
Continental service, and held the position until the brigade was dis- 
banded. In February, 1779, he was made Colonel of the second 
battalion of Infantry. In .June of the same year the two battalions 
were consolidated under him ; and in 1780 he received the thanks of 
11 



82 APPENDIX. 

the General Assembly for the great fidelity and ability with which he 
had discharged his military duties. After the war, Colonel Topham 
engaged in mercantile pursuits. In 1780, he was elected a Deputy to 
the General Assembly from Newport. He was again elected in 1783, 
1784 to 1788, and again in 1791 and 1792. He was a useful member 
of the Assembly. Colonel Topham died in Newport, September 26th, 
1793, in the 55th year of his age. On Sunday afternoon, the 29th, 
his remains, preceded by the ancient and honorable fraternity of 
Masons, of which he was a member, and followed by his relatives, 
friends, and a large concourse of citizens, were committed to the grave. 

Captain Oliver Hanciiet, son of John 3d and Mary Sheldon 
Hanchet, w^as born in Suffield, Conn., August 7th, 1741. Of his boy 
life little is known. May 29th, 1766, he married Rachel Gillet. 
In the commencement of the Revolutionary war, he commanded a 
company of Provincials and marched to Cambridge, where he w^as 
assigned to Arnold's expedition. In his march through the wilderness, 
Capt. Hanchet was mostly with the advance, engaged in opening the 
way for the main body of the army, and performing such other services 
as were essential to its rapid march. After reaching Dead River, he 
set out with fifty men for Chaudiere lake, to forward provisions from 
the French inhabitants of Sartigan, for the use of the army. Subse- 
qently, in leaving the army (who took water conveyance on Chaudiere 
lake) to go on by land, he mistook his course, and with sixty men was 
led into low ground overflowed by water, through which they waded 
up to their waists for the distance of two miles, when they w^ere dis- 
covered by Col, Arnold, who sent batteaux to relieve them from their 
uncomfortable situation. The trials and perils of the rest of the march 
to Point Levi were shared in common with the army. At Quebec 
Captain Hanchet was taken prisoner, and held with other officers until 
paroles were granted in August, 1776. He appears not to have enter- 
tained a favorable opinion of Arnold, and was numbered among the 
disaffected towards him. Of his life after being exchanged, no partic- 
ulars have been obtained. He died May 26th, 1816, aged 75 years. 
His widow died March 28th, 1821. Both were buried in the West 
Parish of Suffield. 

Lieutenant James Webb, of Newport, R. L, was among the officers 
recommended to consideration by Washington, for meritorious conduct, 
and was chosen first Lieutenant in the Continental battalion, by the 
General Assembly of Rhode Island, in February, 1777. 



APPENDIX. 83 

Cnptain Samuel Ward was born at Westerly, Rhode Island, on 
the 17th of Nov., 1756, and was the son of Samuel Ward, Governor of 
that State, and Anne Ray, daughter of Simon Ray and Deborah 
Greene, a relative of General Nathanael Greene.* His father, and 
indeed all his family connexions, were ardent supporters of the Rev- 
olution, and, from the first collision between Great Britain and her 
colonies, advocates of the independence of the United States, an event 
which his father predicted as inevitable, as early as 1766. 

Capt. Ward was educated at Brown University in Providence, and 
was a classmate of Solomon Drowne, subsequently the distinguished Pro- 
fessor of Botany in that institution. Hostilities commencing about the 
time he left college, he joined, the Rhode Island army of observation, 

*Samuel Ward, father of Capt. Samuel, wss bora at Newport, Rhode Island, 
May 27th, 1725. He wis the son of Richard Ward, who was Governor of Rhode 
Islaad in 1741 and 1742, and the grandson of Thomas Ward, who came to this 
country in the times of Charles II, and who died in Rhode Island in 1C89, a highly 
esteemed and respectable citizen. 

Samuel was educated at the excellent classical schools iu Newport, R. I. He 
married Anne Ray, of Block Island, and settled in Westerly. He represented that 
town in the General Assembly of Rhode Island for several years, and was a dele- 
gate from the Colony to a convention held at Hartford, during the French war, to 
consult with Lord Loudon, as to the best course to be pursued iu prosecuting the 
war. Mr. Ward was chosen Governor of Rhode Island iu 1762, and again in 1765, 
and continued in office until 1767. He early took ground against the encroach- 
ments of the Mother Country on Colonial rights. He denounced the stamp act and 
the tax on tea, and was elected delegate to the Continental Congress, in which he 
acted a conspicuous part. He early foresaw the separation of the Colonies from 
Great Britain, and in a letter to his son, said : " These Colonies are destined to an 
early independence, and you will live to see my words verified"— a prophecy ten 
years later fulfilled. 

While the CongrcFs was in Committee of the whole on the consideration of the 
state of America, Mr. Ward occupied the chair. He was chairman of a committee 
which originated a resolution, " that a General bo appointed to command all the 
Continental forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty." 
When, under this resolution, Congress proceeded to ballot, Gov. Ward gave his 
vote for General Wa-^hington, to whom, through life, he remained devotedly 
attached. His feelings throughout the contest are nobly expressed in a letter to 
his brother, written in 1775: " No man living, perhaps, is more fond of his children 
than I am, and I am not so old as to bo tired of life; and yet, as far as I can now 
judge, the tenderest connexions and the most important private concerns, are very 
minute objects Heaven save my country, I Avas going to say, is my first, my last, 
and almost my only prayer." 

Governor Ward strongly advocated the Declaration of Independence, but did not 
live to affix his signature to that immortal instrument. He died in Philadelphia of 
small pox, March 26th, 17:6, in the fifty-first year of his age. His remains were 
exhumed in 1860, and brought to Rhode Island. The slab erected by the State over 
his grave bears testimony to his great abilities, his unshaken integrity, his ardor in 
the cause of freedom, and his fidelity in the offices he filled. 



84 APPENDIX. 

in which he was appointed a Captain on the 8th of May, 1775. The 
army was raised in the name of His Majesty George III, for the 
preservation of His Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects of the Colony 
of Rhode Island. His commission, which was given by his uncle^ 
Henry Ward, the Secretary of Rhode Island, (the Governor and 
Lieut. Governor being Tories,) authorized him ' in case of an invasion 
or assault of a common enemy, to infest or disturb this or any other of 
His Majesty's Colonies in America, to alarm and gather together the 
company under your command,' 'and therewith to the utmost of your 
skill and ability, you are to resist, expel, kill and destroy them, in order 
to preserve the interest of His Majesty and his good subjects in these 
parts.' Like their brethren the covenanters — 

' Who swore at first to fight 
For the King's safety and his riffht, 
And after marched to find him out 
And charged him home with horse and foot/ 

the Whigs of the Revolution found no inconsistency in availing them- 
selves of the authority of the King as the constitutional head of the 
government, to preserve and maintain their constitutional rights. In 
the month of May, 1775, the faUier and son both left their home — the 
one to represent the Colony in the Continental Congress, and the other 
to defend her liberties in the field. Capt. Ward joined the army 
besieging? Boston — burning with a vehement desire to vindicate the 
rights of the Colonies. In one of his letters to his family, dated Pros- 
pect Hill, July 30, 1775, addressing his younger brothers, he says: " As 
you grow in stature, pray take pains to be manly : remember that you 
all may have an opportunity of standing forth to fight the battles of 
your country. This afternoon we expected to have had an engage- 
ment. We may have one to-night. The regulars are now landing in 
Charlestown from Boston. I thank God we are ready to meet them." 
With such an ardent spirit, young Ward, then in the 19th year of 
his age, was not likely to hesitate in embracing an opportunity of 
advancing the cause he had espoused ; nor was it long before one was 
presented. In September, 1775, Colonel Benedict Arnold, then one 
of the most enterprising of America's sons, (but afterwards ' quantum 
mutatus abillo Hectore !') was invested with the command of 1100 
volunteers, destined to join Montgomery at Quebec, by way of the 
Kennebec river. The country was then an unexplored wilderness, 
and they were obliged to transport their provisions and munitions for 
the whole distance, where they did not follow the river, without the 
aid of animals. Even when ascending the river, the volunteers were 



APPENDIX. 85 

compelled to drag the boats over the waterfalls and portages, and after 
leaving the river, the provisions and munitions, packed in small kegs, 
were placed on the backs of the soldiers and carried more than 300 
miles, through thick and pathless woods, and over lofty mountains and 
deep morasses. So great were the difficulties, that a part of the 
detachment actually abandoned the expedition, and returned to Cam- 
bridge to avoid starvation. Ca})t. Ward, the youngest officer in the 
expedition, together with his company, persevered, and after unheard 
of privations arrived before Quebec in Nov., 1775. A letter from him 
on the 26th of that month to his family, dated at Point-aux-Trembles, 
gives a vivid account of the hardships of the expedition. 

'' It would take too much time to tell you what we have undergone. 
However, as a summary of the whole, we have gone up one of the 
most rapid rivers in the world, where the water was so shoal that, mod- 
erately speaking, we have waded 100 miles. We were thirty days in 
a wilderness that none but savages ever attempted to pass. We 
marched 100 miles upon short three days' provisions, waded over three 
rapid rivers, marched through snow and ice barefoot, passed over the 
St. Lawrence, where it was guarded by the enemy's frigates, and are 
now about twenty-four miles from the city to recruit our worn-out 
natures. Gen. Montgomery intends to join us immediately, so that we 
have a winter's campaign before us ; but I trust we shall have the glory 
of taking Quebec !" 

That hope, unhappily, was not realized. The attack upon that city 
failed, and Capt. Ward, with the principal part of his company, having 
penetrated under the command of Arnold, through the first barrier, 
was surrounded by a superior force and compelled to surrender. The 
following letter v/ritten by Governor Samuel Ward to his daughter, 
Miss Nancy Ward, afterwards Mrs. Anne, wife of Ephan Clarke, 
Esq., in relation to Captain Ward's capture, expresses the anxious 
interest of a parent, and presents in a favorable light the military con- 
duct of the son : 

_ Philadelphia, 2Ut Jan., 1776. 
Mt Dearest: 

Blessed be God, your dear brother, of whom I never heard one word, from the 
time he left Fort Weston until last Monday, is alive and well, and has behaved well. 
There is a gentleman here who saw him the day before the attack upon Quebec. 
He had been very ill with the yellow jaundice; but one Captain McLean, formerly 
of Boston, took him home and cured him. 

This gentleman tells me he was happy to have gone upon that service. General 
Montgomery was killed in the attack, and his troops immediately retired, which left 
the whole force of the enemy to attack your kinsman, Lieut. Colonel Greene, who 
upon Arnold's being wounded and carried off, led the detachment on nobly. They 



Ob APPENDIX. 

carried two barriers, attacked the third, and fought gloriously with much superior 
forces, under cover also. Four hours after, being overpowered by numbers, they 
were compelled to surrender prisoners of war, and are very kindly treated. 

I have written by express to your brother, and shall send him some money. Call 
upon all who owe us for some. I shall want it much. 

Write immediately to Colonel Greene's wife that he is well, and treated with great 
humanity. He has acquired vast honor in the service, and I doubt not will soon be 
exchanged. In the mean time, I have written Sammy to let him know his family 
is well, and that if he needs any money he can draw upon me. 
Your affectionate father, 

Samuel Ward. 

P. S. In Colonel Greene's detachment there were 120 killed and wounded — 
nearly half killed. Troops begin their march fiom here to-morrow, to reinforce 
our army in Canada. 

While in captivity, Capt. Ward received the following letter fiora 
his father, which, from the excellence of its sentiments, and as fully illus- 
trating the principles of the leading patriots of that time, is inserted at 

length. 

Philadelphia, January 21s/, 1776- 
My Dear Son:— I most devoutly thank God that you are alive, in good health, 
and have behaved well. You have now a new scene of action — to behave well as a 
prisoner. You have been taught from your infancy the love of God, of all mankind, 
and of your country. In a due discharge of these various duties of life, consist true 
honor, religion and virtue. I hope no situation or trial, however severe, will tempt 
you to violate these sound, these immutable laws of God and nature. You will 
now have time for reflection. Improve it well; examine your own heart. Eradi- 
cate, as much as human frailty admits, the seeds of vice and folly. Correct your 
temper. Expand the benevolent feelings of your soul, and impress and establish 
the noble principles of private and public virtue so deeply in it, that your whole life 
may be directed by them. Next to these great and essential duties, improve your 
mind by the best authors you can borrow. Learn the French language, and be 
continually acquiring, as far as your situation admits, every useful accomplishment. 
Shun every species of debauchery and vice, as certain and inevitable ruiu, here and 
hereafter. There is one vice, which, though often to be met with in polite com- 
pany, I cannot but consider as unworthy of the gentleman as well as the Christian. 
I mean swearing. Avoid it at all times. 

All ranks of people here have the highest sense of the great bravery and merit of 
Col. Arnold, and all his officers and men. Though prisoners they have acquired 
immortal honor. Proper attention will be paid to them. In the mean time, behave, 
my dear son, with great circumspection, prudence and firmness. Enter into no 
engagements inconsistent with your duty to your country. Such as you may 
make, keep inviolate with the strictest honor. Besides endeavoring to make your- 
self as easy and happy as possible in your present situation, you will pay the 
greatest attention, as far as your little power may admit, to the comfort and welfare 
of all your fellow-prisoners, and of those lately under your immediate command, 
especially. 

We have a great number of prisoners in our possession, who are treated with the 
greatest humanity and kindness, and with pleasure I hear that Col. Arnold's detach- 
ment is trcUcd in the same humane manner. The mischiefs of war are sufficiently 
great under the most civilized regulations. What a savage he must be, who would 
heighten them by unnecessary severity and rigor. I hope that humanity to the 



APPENDIX. 87 

unfortunate will be the distinguishing characteristic of the successful on either side 
of this unhappy contest. Write to me often; and may infinite wisdom and good- 
ness preserve and prosper my dear son. 

Your very affectionate father, 

Samuel Ward. 

The son and his excellent guide and adviser never met again in this 
life — the latter dying of the small pox at Philadelphia, while attending 
Congress on the 26th of March following, and before the declaration 
of that independence for which he had so earnestly labored. 

Captain Ward was exchanged in 1776, and on the first day of Janu- 
ary, 1777, was commissioned as Major in Col. Christopher Greene's 
regiment of the Rhode Island line — a worthy compeer of his relative 
Gen. Greene, Scipiados duo fulmina belli. 

In that capacity, he was present and cooperated in the gallant 
defence of the fort at Red Bank, v^hen it was unsuccessfully assailed 
by the Hessians under Count Donop, October 22, 1777. The same 
year he was aide-de-camp to General Washington. The next year, he 
was detached for the defence of his native State, under the command 
of Generals Greene, Lafayette and Sullivan. In the celebrated retreat 
from Rhode Island, he commanded a regiment, and on the 12th of 
April, 1779, he was commissioned Lieut. Colonel of the 1st Rhode 
Island Regiment, to take rank from May 1st, 1778. During that and 
the following year he was in Washington's army, in New Jersey, and 
participated in the toil and glory of that service. He was present at 
the defence of the bridge at Springfield, by a part of the Rhode Island 
line, against the Hessian General Knyphausen, in June, 1780. He 
Avas an original member of the Society of Cincinnati, and through the 
war as the commander of a regiment was attended by his faithful body 
servant Cudjo, a full blooded African. 

At the termination of the war. Colonel Ward returned to the peace- 
ful pursuits of a citizen with the same alacrity that he had manifested 
when his country's voice had called him to arms. He now commenced 
business as a merchant, and manifested as much enterprise in his new 
profession as he had in his previous career. In the spring of 1783, he 
made a voyage from Providence to Canton, in the ship George Wash- 
ington, which was among the first to display ' the republican flag' in the 
China seas. Upon his return to the United States, he established him- 
self at New York, as a merchant, and by his probity, frugality and indus- 
try, became successful in his business. In the course of his mercantile 
career he visited Europe, and was at Paris when Louis XIV was be- 
headed. After his return from Europe. Col. Ward established himself on 



88 APPENDIX. 

a farm at East Greenwich, R. I., where he lived to see his children edu- 
cated to usefulness and establish themselves in the business of active life. 
. In 181 G, with a view of being nearer his children, several of whom 
had embarked in business at New York, he removed from his native 
State to Jamaica, on Long Island. Here, and in the city of New York, 
he resided in the midst of his family and friends, by whom he was 
admired and beloved for his manifold virtues, until the termination of 
his long and useful career. His conversation, at all times interesting, 
was rendered peculiarly attractive to all who enjoyed an intimacy with 
him, by the discrimination with which he commented upon what he 
had seen and met with abroad. The politics and military operations 
of the Revolution shared also among the topics that were most agree- 
able to his mind ; but rarely, if ever, did he allude to the actions in 
which himself had borne a part. The modesty which was so particu- 
larly striking in the military men of the Revolution made an essential 
part of his character. When death approached, it found him ready. A 
life nobly spent in the discharge of every public and private duty had 
prepared him to relinquish his Maker's gift without murmuring, and 
he descended to the grave, 

* Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch 
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.' 

Colonel Ward died in New York, August 16, 1832, in the 76th year 

of his age. In early life he married Phebe, daughter of Governor 

William Greene, of Rhode Island, thereby connecting himself by a 

double relationship with the eminent soldiers of that name. Mrs. Ward 

was born March 11th, 1760, and died October, 1828, in the 69tli year 

of her age.* The issue of this marriage was 

William Greene Ward, born April 1, 1779; died August, 1798. 

Samuel, " J780-1; died at the age of four or five years. 

Henry, " ]782-3; " in infancy. 

Henry,t " Mar. 17, 1784; " July 26, 1838. 

Samuel, t " May 1, 1786; " Nov. 27, 1839. 

*In the preparation of this biography, a sketch of Colonel Ward published in the 
American Annual Register for 1833, has been used entire; also a newspaper slcetch 
written by the late Dr. John W. Francis, of New York. With these, particulars 
obtained from private and public sources have been incorporated. 

t Henry Ward was the eldest surviving son of Captain Samuel Ward, and hence 
became a member of the Society of Cincinnati, succeeding his father. By the same 
rule of succession, Henry Hall Ward, Esq , only son of Henry and Eliza Hall Ward, 
and head of the Banking House of Ward & Company, New York, became a mem- 
ber of the Society of Cincinnati, and is at present its Treasurer. Mr. Ward is also 
President of the New York Club. He was for many years connected with the mili- 
tary of New York. 

JSamuel Ward was a partner in the old firm of Prime, Ward and King, New York- 



APPENDIX. 89 

Anne Catharine, born 1788; died Sept., 1837. 

Phebe, " 1790 or, 91;" April, 1825. 

Richard Ray, " Nov. 17, 179'3. 

John,* " Oct. 26, 1797; " March 31, 1866. 

William Greene, " Aug. 7, 1802; " July 22, 1848. 

A taste for fine arts, literature and military science appears inherent 
in the family of Governor Ward. William Greene Ward, a grandson 
of Colonel Samuel, and son of William G., is Brigadier General of 
the First Brigade, First Division of the National Guard of the State 
of New York. He stands unrivalled in his knowledge of military 
affairs. He was Lieutenant Colonel of the Twelfth regiment National 

*Mr. John Ward never married. Several years of his early life were passed in Rhode 
Island. He returned to New York, however, in 1818, and was for a time clerk in the office 
of Messrs. Nevins and To vvnsend, brokers and bankers. In 1819, he commenced business 
under the old Globe Insurance Company; and in 1824, established the House of John Ward 
& Company, which Arm was afterwards, in 1847, changed to that of Ward & Company, — 
his brother, William G. Ward, having been one of the partners. 

He continued an active member of the House until the first of March, 1865, when he 
retired from business with the reputation of a sagacious and successful banker, a man of 
irreproachable integrity and of great purity of character. Mr. Ward was for many years 
President of the Kew Yoi-k Stock Exchange, and one ot the earliest, though not an original 
member of that board. By a resolution of the board, he was (a short time before his 
decease) requested to sit for his portrait to A. H. Wanzler, v/hicli now graces the walls of 
the New York Stock Exchange. 

Mr. Ward, besides his sterling qualities as a man of business, was highly esteemed for 
his cheerful and kind hearted disposition, his amiable manners and acts of generosity, 
which were the uniform expression of his frank and noble nature. He possessed in com- 
mon with his late brothers (Henry, Samuel, and William G. Ward,) a cultivated and dis- 
criminating taste in the fine arts, and like them, not unfrcquently proposed suggestive 
themes for painting or sculpture. The series of paintings entitled " Cole's Voyage of 
Life," were the result of such suggestions. Mr. Ward was also a sincere friend of Thomas 
Crawford, the sculptor, who mari-ied his niece, and Crawford's admirable bust of Washing- 
ton, finished with his own hands, graces Mr. Ward's late residence in Bond street. He 
was a subsci-iption member of the Clinton Hall Association; also a Life Member of the 
New York Historical Society, having contributed to its building fund, the publication 
fund, and other objects. He was fondly devoted to his accomplished nieces, (daughters of 
Samuel Ward) Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, the poetess, wife of Dr. Samuel G. Howe, of Boston, 
Mrs. Louisa Ward (Crawford) Terry, wife of the artist, now in Europe, and Mrs. Anne 
Ward Maillard, of Bordentown, New Jersey. It is to Mr. Ward and the widow of Mr, 
Crawford [now Mrs. Terry] that the New York Historical Society is indebted for " the 
Crawford Marbles," which have been so generously deposited in its Library and Galleries 
of Art. His brother Samuel was the first President of the Bank of Commerce in New 
York,* the largest National banking institution in the United States, the present President 
being Charles H. Russell, Esq.. also a "Son of Pihode Island." Mr. Charles Hall Ward, 
son of the late William G. Ward, possesses a fine library, and is an able financier in the 
house of Ward & Co. 

The last of the brothers is the venerable Richard Eay Ward, who is not only highly 
esteemed as a lawyer of the old school, but also truly remarkable for his deep interest in 
historical studies and antiquarian researches, as well as for his recollections of distin- 
guished contemporaries. 

*The first Cashier was the late George Curtis, father of the graceful orator poet and 
accomplished author, Gkorge William Curtis. ' ' 

12 



90 APPENDIX. 

Guard of the Stcate of New York, at Washington in 1861. His was the 
first regiment to cross Long Bridge to invade Virginia, and had the 
advance for some time. He commnnded the regiment at Harper's 
Ferry all summer in 1862, where they were finally taken prisoners by 
" Stonewall " Jackson. In 1863, Colonel Ward and his regiment were 
in Couch's Corps, Dana's Division, Yate's Brigade, in the Pennsylva- 
nia campaign, which ended in the Battle of Gettysburg. During the 
draft riots in New York, Colonel Greene with his regiment, at the 
request of Maj. General Charles W. Sanford, rendered efficient ser- 
vice in guarding the City Hall, until the danger was over. John 
Ward, jr., a younger brother, served as Captain in 1862 and 1863, 
in the Twelfth regiment, of which he is at present Colonel commanding. 

Lieutenant Christian Febigir, a native of Copenhagen, Denmark, 
had held a Subaltern's commission in the Danish service. He was 
Adjutant of Arnold's forces. He was a generous, sympathetic man, 
and Judo-e Henry speaks in the warmest terms of his conduct in the 
wilderness. He was taken prisoner in the attack upon Quebec, and 
with the other prisoners was kept in close confinement. He returned to 
Philadelphia in company with Mr. Henry, having sailed from Quebec 
in the Pearl frigate, Capt. M'Kenzie, August 10th, and reaching New 
York September 11. Subsequently he received commissions as Major 
and as Colonel. He led the 11th Virginia regiment at the assault on 
Stony Point. In 1791, he held the office of Treasurer of the State of 
Pennsylvania. 

Lieutenant Sylvanus Shaw, of Newport, R. L, was one of the 
officers recommended by Washington to the favorable consideration of 
the General Assembly of Rhode Island. After returning from his 
captivity at Quebec, he was commissioned Captain, and commanded a 
company under Colonel Christopher Greene, at Red Bank. He was 
killed in that battle, Oct. 12, 1777. 

Lieutenant Edward Slocum, of Tiverton, R. L, was also among 
the officers recommended by Washington to the favor of the General 
Assembly of his native State. He was a Captain in the Rhode Island 
line from 1777 to 1779. 

Lieutenant William Humphrey, of Providence, R. I., taken pris- 
oner at Quebec, was subsequently a Captain in the Rhode Island line 
to the close of the war. 

Colonel James Livingston was a native of New York. He had 
long resided in Canada, and actively sympathized with the Colonies at 



APPENDIX. 91 

the beginning of the war. He connmanded a battalion of Canadians, 
and in the assault upon Quebec was directed to make a false attack 
with a show of firing of the gate of St. John. Something occurred to 
prevent this movement, thereby failing to create a diversion favorable 
to Arnold's detachment. He commanded at King's Ferry at the time 
of Arnold's treason. He commanded at Verplanck's Point while the 
Vulture lay off in the stream, and sent to West Point for ammunition 
to enable him to annoy the vessel. On the evening of September 2oth, 
(1780) he was called by Washington to his head-quarters at Robinson's 
House, for the purpose of eliciting such information in regard to Ar- 
nold as he might be able to give. 

Lieutenant Colonel Roger Enos was from Connecticut. His 
career in the Expedition through the wilderness has already been 
related. After retiring from the army, he removed to Vermont, 
and in 1781 was appointed a General and Commander of the 
Militia of the State, and became somewhat conspicuous in public 
affairs. 

Benjamin Durfee, a volunteer private in Capt. Topham's Com- 
pany, was taken prisoner, — escaped in June, 1776, and came home; — 
was taken again on Rhode Island, which prevented his applying for the 
pay due to him. The General Assembly, at the June Session, 1782, 
ordered the payment of his claim of £24, 10s, "silver money," to be 
allowed. 

Captain Samuel Lockwood belonged to Greenwich, Conn. He 
did excellent service in capturing the fleet of Carleton, at Sorel, and 
was taken prisoner at the storming of Quebec. He was afterwards a 
Captain in Colonel Lamb's regiment of artillery. 

Ebenezer Adams, of Rhode Island, was a volunteer with Arnold, 
and afterwards a Captain of Artillery. He was one of the originators 
of, and a Captain in the expedition under Colonel Barton to capture 
Prescott in 1777. 

General Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of Quebec, was born at 
Newry, County of Down, in Ireland, in 1722. He achieved an hon- 
orable military reputation, and in 1786 was created Lord Dorchester. 
He died in 1808, aged 86 years. 

Caleb Haskell, of Newburyport, Mass., was a private in this 
expedition. He w^as probably in Capt. Ward's company, as twenty 
men of a Newburyport company at Cambridge enlisted to serve under 
him. 



VZ APPENDIX. 

George Merchant was a volunteer in Captain Morgan's company 
of riflemen, and a man who would at any time, give him fair play, have 
sold his life dearly. While the army was in position before Quebec, 
he was one day placed on picket, but in an unfortunate position. Sta- 
tioned in a thicket, where, though he was out of sight of the enemy's 
garrison, he could see no one approach, a Sergeant of the British 
" Seventh," who^ from the manner of the thing, must have been clever, 
accompanied by a few privates, slily creeping through the streets of 
the suburbs of St. John, and then under the cover of bushes, sprung 
upon the devoted Merchant before he had time to cock his rifle. Mer- 
chant was a tall and handsome Virginian. In a few days, he, hunting 
shirt and all, were sent to England, probably as a finished specimen of 
the rijletnen of the Colonies. The government there very liberally 
sent him home in the following year. He was the first prisoner taken 
at Quebec. He was a brave and determined soldier, fitted for a sub- 
ordinate station. — Henry. 

Lieutenant William Heth, 2d, of Frederick County, Va., was blind 
of one eye. He was a brave officer, was taken prisoner at Quebec, 
and subsequently was made a Colonel. As mentioned elsewhere, he 
kept a Journal of the Expedition to Canada, which was used by Mar- 
shall. 

Sergeant Thomas Boyd was, in 1779, Captain of a company of 
riflemen in the First Pennsylvania regiment. The same year he 
accompanied General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians of 
the Six Nations, in western New York, was taken prisoner by the 
savages, tortured and put to death. 

Sergeant Charles Porterfield was a native of Frederick County, 
Virginia. He marched as a volunteer with Arnold through the wil- 
derness. He showed great bravery in the attack upon Quebec, and 
was the first man to scale the walls. With his companions he was 
taken prisoner. After being exchanged, he raised a company at his 
own expense, and was commissioned in the Virginia line. In leading 
a regiment of which he was Lieut. Col. Commanding, he was killed in 
the battle of Camden. 

Michael Simpson was from Pennsylvania, and a volunteer with 
Arnold, in Smith's company. At the time of the assault upon Quebec, 
he was, by order of Arnold, in command as Lieutenant at the Isle of 
Orleans. Henry says, he was " one of the most spirited and active 
oflicers, always alert, always on duty." Many years after the war, he 
was made a General in the Pennsylvania Militia. 



APPENDIX. 93 

Dr. Thomas Gibson was a Sergeant in Captain Hendricks' com- 
pany. He was taken prisoner at Quebec. Of the part he took in the 
plan of escape, related by Captain Thayer, page 33, Henry makes the 
following relation : " Money was obtained from charitable nuns who 
visited the prison, but obtained in a method remarkable rather for 
ingenuity than fairness or propriety ; but it was thought that all arti- 
fices were allowable, especially as life was to be hazarded for liberty. 
Once a nun was seen approaching ; when Doctor Gibson, who had 
studied physic at Cornish, and who afterwards died at Valley Forge, 
in the winter of 1788, a young man of ruddy cheeks and with a beau- 
tiful head of hair, was hurried into bed, to play the part of a sick man 
with a high fever. The nun being introduced, crossed herself and 
whispering an Ave Maria or Pater Noster, poured the contents of her 
purse, 24 coppers, into the hand of the patient. The money procured 
powder, and the manner of obtaining it occasioned some merriment to 
cheer the gloom of a prison." 

Robert Cunningham, of Smith's company, was a strong, athletic 
man, about twenty-five years old. He was a wealthy freeholder of 
Lancaster County, Penn. In this campaign he imbibed the seeds of a 
disease that hurried him to an early grave. 

Sergeant Joseph Ashton, of Captain Lamb's company, was placed 
in chief command of the organization of the prisoners who had planned 
an escape. Under his orders were Sergeant Boyd, Henry, McKay 
and others, to serve as Colonels, Majors, Captains, «&;c. After being 
exchanged, he was commissioned Major in Colonel Lamb's regiment 
of artillery. 

Captain Colbourn commanded a company of artificers in the march 
through the wilderness. 

Lieutenant Isaiah Wool remained in command of Capt. Lamb's 
company after his capture. He was afterwards commissioned Captain 
of Artillery. 

Sergeant Henry Crone, of Captain Hendricks' company, was de- 
scended from a worthy and respectable family of York County, Penn. 
He was a droll dog, and much inclined to play. — Henry, 

Captain Matthew Duncan, from Pennsylvania, a volunteer, was 
sent to reconnoitre, after the attack on Quebec, and was taken prisoner. 

Lieutenant James Tisdale, of Medfield, Mass., was wounded at 
Quebec, a ball passing through the fleshy part of his shoulder. He 
served in the Massachusetts line during the war. 



94 



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96 APPENDIX. 



Note H. Page 2S. 

The followinp; list of the killed, wounded and taken prisoners of the American 
troops at Quebec, on the 31st December, 1775, is copied from Ware's Jonrnal, seve- 
ral times before quoted. The asterisks are suffixed in the original, though no 
signification is given.* 

Officers taken prisoners. — Lt. Col. Greene, Major Meigs, Major Bigelow, Adj't 
Febezer,t Captain Matthew Duncan. 

York-forces killed.— General Montgomery, Capt. Jacob Cheeseman, Aide-de-camp 
McPherson. 1st. Battalion, 8 killed and one wounded; 3d Battalion, 2 killed. 

Cipt. John Lamb's Company. Killed .—So]omon Russell, Martin Clark. 

Wounded.— Cixpt. Lamb, Bartho. Fisher, Thos. Oliver, Ely Gladhill, Barns Burns. 

Prisoners.— Lt. Andrew Moody, Capt. Lockhart, vol.;t Joseph Ashton, Sergt.; 
Robt. Baird, liobt. Barwick, James Arvin, John Ashfield, Gasper Steyman, Moses 
Brackit, George Carpenter, Thomas Winter, Jacob Bennit, Joseph Spencer, Thomas 
Thorp, John Conet, Joseph Dean, Benj. Vandervert, John Martin, John Fisher. 

Listed in the King's service. — James Patten, John Poalk, John Wilson, Thomas 
Deys, William Whitwell, Thos. Morrison, David Stone, John Kelley, John Johns- 
ton, John Lucox, Wm. McLien, John Ritters, Peter Fenton, Shelby Holland, Peter 
Nestle [Mutross,] David Torrey. 

Capt. Daniel Morgan's Company. Killed. — Lt. Humphrey, Wm. Rutlidge, 
Cornelius Norris, David Wilson, Peter Wolf, John Moore, Matthew Harbinson, 
Kich'd Colbert. 

Wounded. — Benj. Cackley, Solomon Fitzpatrick, Daniel Anderson, Spencer 
George,* Daniel Durst, Hezekiah Phillips, Adam Hizkill, John McGuire, Jesse 
Wheeler.* 

Prisoners.— dipt. Morgan; Lt. Wm. Heath, 2d, [Heth]; Lt. Bruin, 3d, [slightly 
woundedj; Wm. Fickhis, Sergt.; Charles Porterfield, Sergt.; John Donaldson, 
Sergt ; John Rogers, Corp. ; Benj. Grabb, Corp.; John Burns, John Conner, Solo- 
mon Veal, Jacob Sperry, Adam Kurts, John Shoults, Charles Grim, Peier Locke, 
John Stephens, David Griffith, John Pearce, Benj. Roderick, Thomas Williams, 
Gasper de Hart,* Benj. Mclntire, Jeremiah Gordon, Rowland Jacobs, Daniel Davis, 
Jehu Brown, John Oram, John Maid, John Harbinson, Jedediah Phillips, Jacob 
Ware, Absalom Brown, Thomas Chapman, Charles Secrests, Jeremiah Riddle,* 
William Flood, William Greenway, Rob't Mitchell. 

Listed in the King's service.— John Cockran, Curtis Bramingham, Timothy Feely, 
Edw. Seedes, Patrick Dooland, Christopher Dolton, Rob't Churchill. 

Capt. William Hendrick's Company. Killed.— Capt. Hendrick, Dennis Kel- 
ley, John Campbell. 

Wou7ided.— John Henderson, John Chesney, Abraham Swaggerty, Philip Baker. 

Prisoners.— Lt. Francis Nichols, Thomas Gibson (Sergt.), Wm. M'Coy (Sergt.), 
John Chambers, Robt. Steele, John Blair, Rich'd M'Cluer, James Reed, John 

*0n the 4th January, 1776, Colonel Allan Maclean, of the 84th Regiment of " Royal 
Emigrants," visited the prisoners and took their names and places of nativity. Those of 
British birth were required to enlist in this regiment, vmder the threat of otherwise being 
sent to England and tried as traitors. Under this threat many enlisted, and some doing 
so improved favorable opportunities to desert. This list of killed, wounded and taken 
prisoners is evidently incomplete. 

t This name is written Febiger, Nebegry, Frebecer, Fobeger, and Phebeger. The correct 
orthography is Febigir. 

t Probably Capt. Samuel Lockwood, Greenwich, Conn. A sea-captain. 



APPENDIX. 97 

McLin, Henry McGown, Edward Roddin, Daniel Xorth, Matthew Taylor, Daniel 
Graham, Tho. Anderson, George Morrison, John Ray, Wm. Kirkpatricif, Wra. 
Gammel, Henry Crone [Serg-t.], Jacob Mason. 

Listed in the King's service.— Henry Turpefttine, Joseph Greer, Sergt., Barnabas 
McGuire, Matthew Cunning, Daniel Carlisle, Richard Lynch, Philip Maxwell, Peter 
Burns, Thomas Withcrup, Thomas Murdock, Francis Furlow, Wm. Shannon, 
Edw'd Morton, Roj^er Casey, Wm Snell, George Morrow, Daniel M'Cleland, James 
Ireland, Daniel O'Hara, Michael Young, John Hardy, James Greer, Peter Frainer, 
James Hogge, William Burns, Wm. O'Hara, Alexander Burns, Joseph Caskey, 
John Cove, Arch'd McFarlin, Thomas Greer, William Smith, Joseph Wright, John 
Carswell, John Gardner, Thomas Lisbe. 

Capt. Smith's Company. Killed. — Alexander Elliot, Henry Miller, Ingrahart 
Mortworth, James Angles. 

Wounded.— Lt Rich'd Steele, John Miller, Thomas Silborne, Peter Carbough. 

Prisoners. — Robt. Cunninghnm, Thomas Boyd, Sergt., Sam'l Carbough, Philip 
Newhouse, Conrad Meyers, Conrad Sheyers, Valentine Willey, John Shaeflfcr 
fdrummerj, Michael Shoaf, Anthony L^bant, John Henry, vol., Edw. Egnew, Pat- 
rick Campbell, Jo-^eph Dockerty, Nicholas Xogle, Thomas Gunn, 

Listed in King's service. — Joseph Snodgrass, Sergt.; Henry Herrigan, Corp.; 
Henry McAnally, Michael Fitzpatrick, Edward Cavener, Timothy Conner, William 
Randolph, Rob't Richmond, Alexander McCarter, John Anderson, Hugh Boyd, 
Thomas Walker, Joseph Higgins, Daniel Crane, Henry Taylor, Thomas Pugh. 

Capt. Handciiitt's Company. Killed.— Lt. Sam'l Cooper, Nath'l Goodrich, 
Wm. Goodrich, Peter Heady, Spencer Merwick, John Morriss, Theophilus Hide. 

Wounded. — David Sage, [Sergt.] 

Prisoners. — Capt. Oliver Handchitt; Lt. Abijah Savage; IBenj. Catlin, Quart.; 
Peletiah Dewey, Sergt.; Gabriel Hodgkiss, 1st Sergt.; Gershom Wilcox, Sergt.; 
Roswell Ransom, Corp.; Jedediah Dewey, Corp.;* John Risden, Samuel Biggs, 
Samuel Bliss, Rich'd Brewer, Sum'l Burroughs, Nath'l Coleman, Stephen Fosburj^,* 
Isaac George, 2 Isaac Knapp, Edw'd Lawrence, Joel Loveman,* 3 Elijah Marshall, 
Daniel Rice, 4 David Sheldon, Ichabod Swaddle, Jonathan Taylor, Solomon Way,* 
Noah Whipple, Abner Stocking, Moses White, 5 Simon Winter. 

Listed in the King's service. — 6 John Basset, Drummer; Patrick Newgent. 

Capt. Topiiam's Company, Killed. — Charles King, Caleb Hacker, Hugh 
Blackburn. 

IWritten Chattin by Thayer. 

2 Enlisted out of Capt. Caleb Trowbridge's Co. into Capt. Hanchet's Co., for the Canada 
Expedition, Sept. 5, 1775. 

3 Enlisted out of Major Roger Enos' Co., about the beginning of September, 1775, into 
Capt. Hanchet's Co., Col. Wyllys' Regt., Col. Arnold's detachment. 

4 Son of David Sheldon, 

5 Was a minor, and an apprentice of Joseph Forward. Was dead January 31, 1777. 

6 John Bazzle, Drum 3Iajor, Conn. State Papers, III, p. 649. 

The follow^ing names belonging to Capt. Hanchet's Company are added from the Con- 
necticut State Papers, Kev. War, III, pp. 649-666 : 

Samuel Bemiss. 

Elishma Brandekee. 

Joseph Lewis; was a soldier in Capt. Hanchet's Co., and was not taken prisoner. 

Aaron Bull; was fifer of Capt. llancliet's Co. at Quebec. 

Jas. Morris ; was of Capt. Hanchet's Co. at Quebec, not taken prisoner. 

Daniel Judd; a soldier in Capt. Hanchet's Co., went out in Capt. Trowbridge's Co. from 
New Haven. 

James Knowles ; was the Ensign in Capt. Hanchet's Co. 
13 



98 APPENDIX. 



Wounded.— J oscj)h Kennyon, Baker Garlin. 

Prisoners.— Capt. John Topham, Lt. Joseph Webb, Lt. Edw, Sloakum, Matthew 
Cogshall, Sergt.; John Finch, Sergt.; Reuben Johnson, Serfft.; Stephen Tift, Philip 
Rollins, John Darling, Oliver Dunne), VVm. Underwood, Wm. Thomas, Isaac Bea- 
tey, Charles Sherman, Benj, Irvin, Benj. Durfee, Wm. Pitman, Wm. Clark, John 
Bentley, Jeremiah Child,* Thomas Price, Samuel Geers, Anthony Salisbury. 

Listed in the King's service.— Dsinicl Booth, Sergt.; Michael Clausey, John Lin- 
den, James Green, Patrick Keiley, Tobias Burke. 

Capt, Thayer's Company. Killed — Daniel Davidson, Patrick Tracy. 

Wounded — John Rankius, David Williams,* Peter Field. 

Prisoners.— CeiTpt. Simeon Thayer, Lt. Humphreys, Silas Wheeler, Thomas Law 
[Low], James Hayden, James Stone, Silas Hooker,* Jona han Jacobs, Stephen 
Mills, Daniel Lawrence, Elijah Fowltr, Bannister Waterman, Jonathan Scott,* 
Cornelius Hagerty, Benj. West, Jesse Turrell, Samuel Ingolds, Andrew Henman.* 

Listed in King's service. — Thomas Page, Sergt.; Moses Hemingway, John Rob- 
inson, William Dixon, Wm. Clements, Edw. Connor, Patrick Hanington. 

Capt. Goodrich's Company. Killed. — Amos Bridge. 

Wounded.— ^oi^h Chiff, Nath'l Lord. 

P/7'&o»e7'S.— Capt. Wm. Goodrich, Lt. John Cumpton, Ashley Goodrich, Sergt.; 
Augustus Drake, Sergt.; Festus Drake, Daniel Doyle, Jabez Chalker, Benj. Buck- 
man, irarouel Buckman, Paul Doian, John Parrot, John Lee, David Pettes, Caleb 
Northiup, Roswell Ballard,* Roswell Foot, Oliver Avery, Elijah Alden, Benj. 
Pearce, Abner Day, John Taylor, Josiah Root, Pach'd Shackley. 

Capt. Ward's Company. .STj/ZecZ.— Bishop Siandley, Thomas Shepherd, John 
Stephen. 

Wounded. — Eng'r James Tisdcll, Nath'l Brown, Corp.; Jabez Brooks. 

Prisoners.— C-AYtt. Samuel Ward, Lt. John Clark, Lt. Sylvanus Shav/, Amos Boyn- 
ton, Sergt.; John Sleeper, Corp.; Samuel Halbiooks,* John Goodhue, John Shack- 
ford, Moses Merrill, Nath'l Babson, Enoch Foote, Jacob True, Josiah George, 
Ebenezer Tolman, Thomas Gay, John Stickney, Elijaii Dole, Elijah Hayden,* 
Jeremiah Greenman, Eiios Chillis, Gilbert Caswell, John Gridley, Wm. Dorr, James 
Rust, Joseph Pool, Israel Barrit, Bartholomew Foster,* Joseph Ware, Thomas 
Fisher, Joseph Osburn.* 

Listed in King's service. — Charles Harkins. 

[John Ilickey was a member of Captain Ward's company.] 

Capt, Hubbard's Company. Killed.— C^\)t. Hubbard, Sergt. Weston. 

Prisoners.— Lt. Sam'l Brown, Jonathan Ball, Sergt.; Minath Farmer, Sergt.;* 
Luther Fairbanks, Sergt.; Thomas Nichols, Oliver Smith, Siruon Fobes, David 
Patch,* Thomas Mclntire,* Benj. Phillips,* Timothy Rice* [morti^lly wounded 
and died in the hospital], Joseph White, Aaron Heath, Wm. Chamberlain, Anthony 
Jones, Russel Clark, Paul Clap, Joseph Parsons, Samuel Bates, Luke Nobles,* 
Joseph Burr, Oliver Edwards, George Mills, 

Lifted in King's seivice. — Charles McGuire, Morris Hay ward, John Hall. 

[Twelve men of Captain Hubbard's company were from Worcester, Mass.] 

Capt. Dearborn's Company. Prisoners. — Capt. Henry Dearborn, Lt. Nath'l 
Hutchins, Lt. Amos Andrews, Lt. Joseph Thomas, John Flanders, Jona. Perkins, 
Caleb Edes, Jona. Fogge, Wm. Taylor, Wm. Preston, Eben'r Tuttle, Moses Kim- 
ball, Joseph Smith, James Melvin, James Beverley, Jonathan Smith, Samuel Sias, 
Thom,':s Holmes, Moses Folnsby, Charles Hilton, John Morgan, Enos Reynolds, 
Eliphas Reed, Robert Heath, Elkanor Danforth, Nath'l Martin, Jonathan Norris, 
John Dobbin, John McCalm, Charles Budget, Samuel Hewes, Aaron Serjant. 

Total Killed, 35; Wounded, 3.3; Prisoners, 372; Total, 410. 

rorA;/o?-ces.— Killed, 13; Wounded, 1. 

Total Killed, Wounded and Taken, 454. 



1 



APPENDIX. 99 



Memoranda. 

Captain Ayres led a body of pioneers throuj^h the wilderness to blaze 

trees and " snag" bushes, "so that he might proceed in perfect security."— TZenr^/. 

Lieutenant Andrew Moody, of Capt. Lamb's company, after being exchanged, 
received the commission of Captain, 

Lieutenant William Cross "was a handsome little Irishman, always neatly 
dressed, and coaimanded [on the Isle of Orleans] a detachment of about twenty 
men." He was not in the attack on Quebec. — Henry. 

Sergeant William McCoy, of Hendrick's company, was an excellent clerk, and 
came into favor with Governor Carleton by giving to Major Murray, of the garrison, 
a copy of ids journal of the route through the wilderness into Canada. He was a 
sedate and sensible vcisM.— Henry. 

Metcalf, was a volunteer from Pennsylvania. 

Peter Nestle, of Lamb's artillery, enlisted in the British service to secure an 
opportunity to escape, which he did, and joined the company at Montreal. He was 
made a subaltern. 

John Tidd was a skillful boatman, and very useful in his vocation during the 
march through the wilderness. 

John M. Taylor, "keen and bold as an Irish grey-hound," a ready penman and 
excellent accountant, was made by Colonel Arnold purveyor and commissary in the 
wilderness.— ^e«r?/. 

William Reynolds, or Rannels, of Smith's company, " was miserably sick, and 
returned in the boats." Oct. 4, Mr. Henry purchased his rifle for twelve dollars. 
It was short, carried about forty-five balls to the pound, the stock greatly shattered, 
and worth not over forty shillings. Never did a j^un, ill as its appearance was, 
shoot with greater certainty. Previous to this purchase, Henry had lost his hat, 
knapsack and rifle, in the river by the upsetting of bis boat, as it swept down a 
rapid. 

John Shaeff"er was a drummer, and purblind. In the course of the toilsome 
march he would frequently, in ciossing ravines on logs, tumble, drum and all, into 
the abyss below. This man, blind, starving, and almost naked, bore his drum 
(which was unharmed by ail its jostlings) safely to Quebec, when many other hale 
men died in the wilderness. He was a brother of Jacob Shaeff'er, a respectable citi- 
zen of Lancaster, Penn. Army life did not improve his habits. — Henry. 

Jesse Wheeler Avas an excellent shot, and his rifle was in frequent requisition to 
procure game in the march through the wilderness. 

Timothy Connor and Edward Cavanagh were Irishmen. Both settled in Penn- 
sylvania after the war. The legislature of that State granted the latter a pension. 

James Dougherty was employed as a boatman in the expedition through the 
wilderness. 

J. M. Gwinn was a volunteer from Virginia. 

John Martin, of Capt. Lamb'g company, was a hardy, daring, and active young 
man. He undertook to convey to the American camp intelligence of the purpose 
of the prisoners to attempt an escape. In this hazardous enterprise he was success- 
ful. — Henry. 



100 APPENDIX. 



]jISt op Balances due to Sundry Soldiers in the Year 1776. 

Luther Trowbridge ^4 4 4 

Thomas (Jould 3 7 7 

Thomas Botter 3 G 6 

John Baklarce lo o 

Jabez Brooks 3 4 7 

Aaron Cleveland 5 9 10 

John Chaplm 2 8 10 

Joseph Fasset 3 17 4 

Thomas Dougherty 2 5 

Elijah lladon 2 3 4 

Benjamin M. Kinney 3 6 8 

Ebenezer Langley 3 12 1 

John Carr Roberts 4 6 8 

Enoch Kichardson 5 3 2 

Bishop Stanley 1 8 5 

John Stevens 3 14 1 

Thomas Smith 3 1 8 

John Clarke 1 15 9 

James Williams 10 8 

£57 16 11 

I certify that Lieut. Colonel Samuel Ward, in the final settlement of his account with the 

United States, accounted for the sum of one hundred and ninety-two dollars and 44-100, as 

due to tlie individuals contained on the within List, and that sum was deducted out of his 

account as valued by the scale of depreciation on the first of January, 1778, a 4 for 1. 

John White, Clerk. 
Capt. Samuel Ward, 

To Benedict Arnold. 
Sept. 11, 1775. Bill Clothing furnished his Company at Cambridge, by the Qr. Mr. 
GenT, viz: 

[Here follow the items.] 
Towards the end money was charged to 

26 Sept'r. Thomas Dougherty, Jabez Brooks, John Ilickey, who were doubtless mem- 
bers of Capt. Ward's Company. 

Note I. Page 33. 

As some matches might be necessary ia that event [viz : overcoming the guard 
at St. John's gate, and turning the cannon upon the city,] and there would be occa- 
sion for powder, in was procured in the following ingenious way. Some small gun 
carriages were made, mounted with paper cannon, a few Inches in length. Embra- 
sures were cut with a knife in the front board of the berths on opposite sides of the 
room; and two parties were formed for the pigmy contest. The blaze and report, 
as loud as small pistols, created much merriment. For this sport, many cartridges 
were obtained, most of which were carefully laid aside for other purposes.— IZewz/. 

Note K. 

Sedgwick, in his History of Sharon, (pp. 45, 46,) states that a company from that 
town marched under Montj:omery to Canada, and that four members of that com- 
pany were with Colonel Ethan Allen in his attempt on Montreal, viz: " Adonijah 
Maxaiu, David Goff, William Gray, and Samuel Lewis. They, together with Roger 
Moore, of SaUsbury, were among those who Avere carried to England with Allen. 
Alexander Spencer, of Sharon, joined Arnold's expedition through the wilderness, 
but died on the march. 



APPENDIX. 101 



Note L. 

The author of the History of Connecticut states that Morgan took command after 
Arnold received his wound and was taken to the hospital. This is an error. Ar- 
nold's division in the assault was a battalion organization, and his second in com- 
mand was Lieut. Colonel Greene, and his third, Major Meij^s. According to Di\ 
Senter's Journal, (p. 34,) after Arnold retired from the field, the division was "under 
the command of Lieut. Colonel Greene." Morgan joined Arnold with a single 
company of riflemen from Virginia, and was at no time in a position to rank Lieut. 
Colonel Greene. 

Note M. 

Letters fkoji Colonel Arnold to General Washington. 

Second roRTAOE from Kennebec to the Dead River, ) 
Uct. 13, 1775. ) 

May it please Your Excellenct : 

A person going down the river presents the first opportunity I have had of writing your 
Excellency since I left Fort Western ; since which we have had a very fatiguing time, llie 
men iu general not understanding batteaux have been obliged to wade and haul them for 
more than halfway up the river. The last division is just arrived except a few batteaux. 
Three divisions are over the first carrying place, and as the men are in spirits I make no 
doubt of reaching the Chaudiere river iu eight or ten days; the greatest difficulty being, 
I hope, already past. We have now with us about twenty-five days' provisions for the 
whole detachmeut, consisting of about nine hundred and fifty efi'ective men. I intended 
making an exact return, but mu%t defer it until I come to Chaudiere. I liave ordered the 
commissary to hire people acquainted with the river and forward on the provisions left 
behind (about 100 barrels) to the Great Carrying-place, to secure our retreat. The expense 
will be considerable, but when set in competition with the lives or liberty of so many 
brave men, I think it trifling, and if we succeed, the provisions will not be lost. 

I have had no intelligence from Gen. Schuyler or Canada, and expect none until 1 reach 
Chaudiere pond, where I expect a return of my express and to detei-mine my plan of ope- 
ration ; which, as it is to be governed by circumstances, I can say no more than if we are 
obliged to return, I believe we shall have a sulTiciency of provisions to reach this place, 
where the supply ordered the commissary to send forward, will enable us to return on our 
way home so far, that your Excellency will be able to relieve us. If we proceed on we 
shall have suflicient stock to reach the French inhabitants, when Ave can be supplied, if 
not Quebec. 

I am with the greatest respect. 

Your Excellency's most obed't, h'ble serv't, 

B. Arnold. 

P. S. Your Excellency may possibly think we have been tardy in our march, as we have 
gained so little; but when you consider the badness and weight of the batteaux and the 
large quantity of provisions, &c., we have been obliged to force up against a very rapid 
stream, where you would have taken the men for amphibious animals, as they were great 
part of the time under water; add to this the great fatigue in portage, you will think I 
have pushed the men as fast as could possibly have been. The ofticers, volunteers and pri- 
vates, have in general acted with the greatest spirit and industry. 

Inclosed is a copy of my journal, which I fancied your Excellency might be glad to see. 

Chaudiere Pond, 27th Oct., 1775. 
May it please your Excellency: 

My last, of the 13th inst. from Portage to the Dead River, advising your Excellency of 
our proceedings, I make no doubt you have received. I then expected to have reached 
this place by the 24th inst., but the excessive heavy rains and bad weather have mucli 
retarded our march. I have this minute arrived here with seventy men, and met a person 
on his return, whom I sent down some time since to the French inhabitants. He informs 
me they appear very fx'iendly, and by the best information he could get, will very gladly 



102 APPENDIX. 

join us. He says thoy informed him Gen. Schuyler had had a battle with the regular 
troops at or near St. John's, in which the latter lost in killed and wounded, near 500; (this 
account appears very imperfect) and that there were few or none of the kiug's troops at 
Quebec, and no advice of our coming. 

Three days since, I left the principal part of the detachment about three leagues below 
the Great Carrying-place: and as our provisions were short, by reason of losing a number 
of loaded batteaux at the falls and rapid waters, I ordered all the sick and feeble to return, 
and wrote Cols. Enos and Greene to bring on in their divisions no more men than they 
could furnish with lifteen days' provisions, and to send back the remainder to the commis- 
sary. As the roads prove much worse than I expected, and the season may possibly be 
severe in a few days, I am determined to set out immediately with five batteaux and about 
fifteen men for Sartigau which I expect to reach in three or four days, in order to procure 
a supply cf provisions and forward back to the detachment; the whole of which I 
don't expect will reach them in less than eight or ten days. If I find the enemy are not 
apprised of our coming, and there is any prospect of surprising the city, I sliall attempt 
it as soon as I have a proper number of men up. If I should be disappointed in my pros- 
pect that way, I shall await the arrival of the whole and endeavor to cut cfi" their commu- 
nication with Gov. Carleton, who, I am told, is at Montreal. 

Our march has been attended with an amazing deal of fatigue, which the ofiicers and 
men have borne with cheerfulness. I have been much deceived in every account cf our 
route, which is longer and has been attended with a thousand dilKcultieti I never appre- 
hended; but if crowned with success and conducive to the public good, I shall think it but 
trifling. 

I am with the greatest respect, 

Your Excellency's most obed't h'bleserv't, 

B. Arnold. 

P. S. As soon as 1 can get time, shall send your Excellency a continuation of my jour- 
nal. B. A. 

Point Levi, Nov. 8, 1775. 
Mat it please your Excellency; 

My last letter was of the 27th of October, from Chaudiere pond, advising your Excel- 
lency that as the detachment were short of provisions (by reason of losing many of our 
batteaux) I had ordered Col. Enos to send back the sick and feeble, and those of his divis- 
ion who could not be supplied with fifteen days' provisions, and that I intended proceed- 
ing the next day with lifteen men to Sartigan, to send back provisions to the detachment. 
I accordingly set out the 28th, easly in the morning, descended the river, amazingly rapid 
and rocky, for about twenty miles, when we had the misfortune to stave three of the bat- 
teaux and lose their provisions, &c., but happily, no lives. I then divided the little pre- 
visions left, and xjroceeded on v/ith the two remaining batteaux and six men, and very 
fortunately reached the French inhabitants the 30th at night, who received us in the most 
hospitable manner and sent off early the next morning a supply of fresh provisions, flour, 
&c., to the detachment, who are all happily arrived (except one man drowned and one or 
two sick— and Col. Euos's division, who, I am surprised to hear, are all gone back,) and 
are here and within two or three days' march. I have this minute received a letter from 
Brig. Gen. Montgomery, advising of the reduction of Chambly, &c. I have had about 
forty savages join me and intend as soon as possible crossing the St. Lawrence. 

I am just informed by a friend from Quebec that a frigate of 26 guns and two transports 
with 150 recruits, arrived there last Sunday, which with another small frigate and four 
other small armed vessels at the river, is all the force they have, except the inhabitants, 
very few of whom have taken up arms, and those by compulsion, who declare (except a 
few English) that they will lay them down when attacked. The town is very short of pro. 
visions, but well fortified. I shall endeavor to cut off" their communication with the 
country, which I hope to be able to effect and bring them to terms, or at least keep them 
in close quarters until the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, which I wait with impatience. I 
hope, at any rate, to effect a junction with him at Montreal. 
I am with the greatest respect, 

Vour Excellency's most obd. servt., 

B. Arnold. 



APPENDIX. 



Note O. Page 73. 

A List of men's names in Capt. Simeon Thayer's Company, 
being part of the detachment under the command of Colonel 
Benedict Arnold, in the expedition for Canada. Cambridge, 
September 10, 1775.* 



Men's Names. 



What 
Capacity. 



Whose 
Company. 



Whose 
Regiment. 



Casualties. 



Simeon Thayer, 
Lemuel Bayley, 
William Humphrey 
Thomas Page, 
Thomas Ellis, 
Moses Bryant, 
Samuel Singleton, 
Morris Cockran, 
James Hayden, 
Silas Wheeler, 
Thomas Low, 
Isaac Hawes, 
William Clements, 
Benoni Patten, 
Eleazar Thayer, 
John Thompson 
John Latham, 
Stephen Mills, 
Jonathan Scott, 
Elijah Fowler, 
Richard Conden, 
Francis Fillebutt, 
John Barrett, 
Robert Hill, 
John Turner, 
William Willis, 
James Barns, 
John Bridges, 
Moses Hemenway, 
Andrew Hinman, 
Nathaniel Parker, 
James Welch, 
Joseph Lewis, 
Charles Nutting, 
Peter Field, 
James Monk, 
Silas Hooker, 
BenjaminDiman, 
Patrick Tracey, 
Thomas Whittemore, 
William Gouge, 
Joseph Jewell, 
Patrick Harrington, 
Jeremiah Mosher, 
Davis Williams, 
Caleb Gorden, 



Captain. 
1st. Lieut. 
2d. do. 
1st. Serg't. 
2d. do. 
3d. do. 
4th. do. 
1st. Corp'l. 
2d. do. 
3d. do. 
4th. do. 
Fifer. 
Private, 
do. 



Tew. 

Aldrich. 

Thayer, 
do. 

Field. 

Kimball, 
do. 

Thayer. 

Field. 

Thayer. 

Gridley. 

Fletcher. 

Gray. 

Thayer, 
do. 

Field. 

Stebbins. 
do. 

Tew. 

Bradish. 

Butler, 
do. 

Fletcher. 

Stebbins. 

Powell. 

Gray. 

C. Olney. 

Thayer. 

Sloan. 

do. 
Field. 
Harris. 

do. 
Gleason. 
Thayer. 

do, 
Cranston. 
Perkins. 
Williams. 
Thayer. 
Ballard. 
Perkins. 
Williams. 

do. 
Ballard. 



Hitchcock. 
Church. 
Hitchcock, 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Gridley. 
Little. 
Brewer. 
Hitchcock, 
do. 
do. 
Brewer. 

do. 
Church. 
Finney. 
Nixon. 

do. 
Little. 
Brewer. 
Woodbridge 
Brewer. 
Hitchcock. 

do. 
Patterson. 

do. 
Hitchcock. 
Bond, 
do. 
Nixon. 
Hitchcock. 

do. 
Whitcome. 
Little. 
Graton. 
Hitchcock. 
Fry. 
Little. 
Heath. 

do. 
Fry. 



Dismissed. 



Deserted Sept. 13th , 



=* After the printing of the Appendix and Index had been completed, the above 
list of Captain Thayer's company was placed in the hands of the writer, and is here 
inserted unpaged. The names are the same as found on pages 94 and 95, but with 
the addition of the names of the Captains and Colonels, from whose companies and 
regiments they were enlisted. 



APPENDIX. 



Men's Names. | 


What 
Capacity. 


Whose 
Company. 


Whose 
Regiment. 


1 Casualties. 


Jabez Dow, 


Private. 


Ballard. 


Fry. 




Benjamin West, 


do. 


Williams. 


Heath. 




Jacob Flander, 


'' 


Ballard. 


Fry. 




Stephen Bartlett, 




do. 


do. 




Samuel Blasdell, 




do. 


do. 




John Blackford, 




Hall. 


Bond. 


Dis'd in Cambridge. 


Abijah Adams, 




Dexter. 


Woodbridge 


Do. do. 


Jacob Good, 




Thayer. 


Hitchcock. 




John Robinson, 




do. 


do. 




Cornelius Higgarty, 




Field. 


do. 




Matthew Philip, 




Hill. 


Shermond. 




Isaac Fillebrown, 




Lock. 


Bond. 




Abraham Jones, 




Kimball. 


Hitchcock. 


Dis'd in Cambridge. 


Jonathan Jacobs, 




Wilder. 


Little. 




Pasco Austin, 




J. Olney. 


Hitchcock. 




Joseph Bosworth, 




do. 


do. 




Manie 0' Daniel, 




Field. 


do. 


Dis'd in Cambridge. 


John Smith, 




Powell. 


Whitcome. 




Daniel Devizor, 




Thayer. 


do. 




Abel Ford, 




Kimball. 


do. 




Samuel Ingalls, 




Hall. 


Bond. 




Thomas Geary, 




do. 


do. 




Alexander Spencer, 




Sloan. 


Patterson. 




Jesse Jewell, 




do. 


do. 




Samuel Williams, 




Brown. 


Bond. 




Elijah Jones, 




J. Olney. 


Hitchcock. 




James Stone. 




do. 


do. 




George Leach, 




Cranston. 


Whitcome. 


Deserted. 


Nathaniel Peas, 




do. 


do. 


Deserted. 


John Salisbury, 




Brown. 


Bond. 


Dis'd in Cambridge. 


Edward Mulligan, 




Gleason. 


Nixon. 




Eden Conner, 




Butler. 


do. 




John Holley, 




Talbott. 


Hitchcock. 




George Durant, 




Whiting. 


Brewer. 


Dis'd in Cambridge. 


Banister Waterman, 




Curtis. 


Lamed. 




Joseph Plaistow, 




Hill.^ 


Shermond. 




William Dixon, 




Brown. 


Bond. 




Moses Eady, 




do. 


do. 




John Collins, 




Mclnster. 


Patterson. 




John Rankin, 




Elliot. 


Putnum. 




John Ryand, 




Gleason. 


Nixon. 




John Canell, 




Butler. 


do. 




Samuel Griffith, 




Dexter. 


Woodbridge 




John Cambridge, 




Thayer. 


Hitchcock. 


In room of Manie 
O'Daniel. 


David Lawrence, 


" 


C. Olney. 


do. 


In room of George 
Durant. 



APPENDIX. 

Note P. Page 78. 

RETURN OF THE SECOND BATTALION IN THE STATE OF RHODE 

ISLAND, COMMANDED BY COL. ISRAEL ANGELL.* 



Newport— 31. 

Arthur Smith, 
John Exeung, 
John Chadwick, 
William Parker, 
Francis Gold, 
John Gibbons, 
Abner Russell, 
John Bentley, 
Benjamin Fowler, 
Uriah Wilbour, 
Nathan West, 
Edmond Pinegar, 
Joseph Brown, 
Joseph Paine, 
Nicholas Wilson, 
Richard Shield, 
Elisha Austin, 
John Horswell. 
Daniel Phillips, 
Elias Bryer, 
Jeremiah Grinman, 
Weston Clark, 
Daniel Barney, 
James Mitchel, 
Richard Pritchard, 
Southcoat Langworthy, 
Benjamin Jackson, 
Dennis Hogan, 
Michael Morigan, 
Asher Pollock, 
Prince Jackson. 

Providence— 33. 

Daniel Hudson, 
Philip Justis, 
Darius Thurber, 
Nathan Gale, 
William Bennet, 
Stephen Johnston, 
William White, 
Noah Chafey, 
Edward Everson, 
Patrick Capron, 
John Ragen, 
John Amon, 
Daniel Lawrence, 
Durfey Springer, 
Church Winslow, 
Ebenezer Whitaker, 
James Hopkins, 
Abijah Ford, 
Christopher Moore, 
Dennis Bagley, 
William Foster, 

* The list of the men composing 
until after the preceding pages had 
paging. 



James Hale, 
William Middleton, 
John Walters, 
Daniel Booth, 
John Coats, 
Hanu Ovander, 
John S. Robinson, 
Michael Anthony, 
Joseph Difad, 
Thomas Graves, 
Thomas Switchers, 
William Brown. 

South Kingstown— 5. 

Ephraim Dalley, 
John Billington, 
Joseph Billington, 
Cuff Peckham, 
Jos. Nokake. 

North Kingstown— 6. 

Jeremiah Wilkey, 
Robert Alsborough, 
John Davis, 
Robert Dixon, 
Christopher I. Shearman, 
Franklin Tennant, 

Smithfield— 15. 

Abel Bomp, 
Benoni Bishop, 
Uriah Jones, 
Solomon Shippey, 
Zephaniah Woodward, 
Charles Crosby, 
Enoch Young, 
Abiather Pollard, 
John Rogers, 
Elias Bishop, 
John Smith, 
B. Shrieve, 
Benjamin Smith, 
Thomas Harrington, . 
Gideon Dexter. 

Cranston— 5. 

Jonathan Briggs, 
Daniel Fenner, 
Eleazer Westcoat, 
Peleg Johnson, 
William Russel. 



Major Thayer's battalion was not obtained 
been printed, and is inserted here without 



APPENDIX. 



Glookster— 7. 

Reuben Williams, 
Amos Wood, 
Nathaniel Stoddard, 
Elisha Inman, 
Joseph Turner, 
Stukly Inman, 
Ephraim Andrews. 

New Shoreham— 6. 

John York, 
Job Franklin, 
Edward Paine, 
John Derub, 
Edward Dodge, 
Richard Pomp. 

Cumberland— 4. 

John Strange, 
David Collar, 
Daniel Bragg, 
Esek Dexter. 

SCITUATE— 6 

Benjamin King, 
Jonathan Harrington, 
Paine Hinds, 
Richard Hinds, 
William Edwards, 
Stephen Phillips. 

Johnston— 2. 

Asa Johnston, 
Charles Westcoat. 



Tiverton— 2. 

Job Palmer, 
Abraham Springer. 

East Greenwich— 1. 
William Thomas. 

Charlestown— 11. 

Joseph Kenyon, 
Reuben Johnson, 
Henry Perry, 
Samuel Wampy, 
Amos Mevas, 
William Capen, 
James Treddel, 
John Charles, 
Gideon Harvy, 
Edward Harvy, 
Thomas Bills. 

Richmond Town— 2. 

George Niles, 
John Dourse. 

North Providence— 2. 

Abraham Hopkins, 
Richard Thorp. 

Little Compton— 3. 

Anthony Salisbury, 
John Taber, 
James Tompkins, 

Total— 141. 



Examined from their several lists of Returns. 



Simeon Thayer, Major. 



APPENDIX. 



FORT WILLIAM HENRY. Note Q, Page 7L* 
The perilous situation of Fort William Henry was known in Rliode Island some 
days before its fall, and intense interest was everywhere excited. The day follow- 
ing that event, the General Assembly met at Newport and ordered that one-sixth 
part of the whole militia of the Colony be forthwith raised and sent to Albany to 
operate under the commander-in-chief of His Majesty's forces near Lake George 
for the preservation of the country from the ravages of the enemy. On the 11th 
of August, Copt. G. Christie, A. D. Q. M. G., wrote from Albany to Gov. Greene, 
announcing the capture of the Fort, and mentioning the barbarities that had been 
practised by the savage allies of the French upon the retiring and defenceless garri- 
son. The feeling awakened in Providence by these tidings, found a strong and 
patriotic expression in the following paper, drawn up and signed by many promi- 
nent citizens, and now for the first time made public : 

Whereas the British Colonies in America are invaded by a large Army of 
French and Indian Enemies, who, have already possessed themselves of Fort 
William Henry, and are now on their march to penetrate further into this Country; 
and from whom we hive nothing to expect, should they succeed in their enter- 
prize, but Death and Devastation: And, as his Majesties principal Officers in the 
parts Invaded, have in the most pressing and moveing manner, called on all his 
Majesties faithfuU Subjects for Assistance to defend the Country: Therefore, we 
whose Names are Underwritten, thinking it our Duty to do every thinj? in our 
power for the Defence of our Libertys, Familys, and Propertys, are Willing and agree 
to enter Voluntarily into the Service of our Country, and ^o in a Warlike manner 
against the Common Enemy, and hereby call upon and invite all our Neighbours 
who have Familys, and Propertys to Defend, to Join with us in this Undertaking, 
Promiceing to March as Soon as we are Two Hundred and Fifty in Number, 
recommending our Selves and our Cause to the Favourable Protection of Almighty 
God. 

Providence, August 15th, 1757. 



STEPHEN HOPKINS 
OBADIAH BROWN 
NICHOLAS COOK 
BARZILLAI RICHMOND 
JOSEPH BUCKLIN 
JOHN RANDALL 
JOHN" COLE 
GIDEON MANCHESTER 
EPHRAIM BO WEN, Surgeon 
JOHN WATERMAN 
JOSEPH ARNOLD 
JOHN BASS, Chaplain 
JOHN THOMAS, Junr. 
ALLEN BROWN 
BENONI PEARCE 
BARNARD EDDY 
BENJAMIN DOUBLED AY 



NICHOLAS BROWN 
JOSEPH BROWN 
WILLIAM WHEATON 
WILLIAM SMLTH 
JONATHAN CLARK 
JONATHAN BALLOU 
JAMES THURBER 
AMOS KINNICUTT 
NATHL. OLNEY 
JOSEPH LAWRENCE 
THEOPHILUS WILLIAMS 
JOHN POWER 
BENJAMIN OLNEY 
GEORGE HOPKINS 
EDWARD SMITH 
JOSEPH WINSOR 
JOSEPH COLE 



* For the reasons assigned in notes O and P, this and succeeding pages of the Appendix 
are printed without folios. 



APPENDIX. 

CAPTAIN SIMEON THAYER. Note R, Page 71. 

In the escape from Fort William Henry, Capt. Thayer, then a private, became 
broken-winded. The heat created by running, and the sudden check of perspiration, 
caused by swimming across a stream, developed a virulent humor, which troubled 
him many years. It disappeared soon after he reached Quebec with Arnold's 
Expedition, and never afterwards returned. To the older men this expedition was 
a fearful adventure, and it subsequently told fearfully upon their constitutions. 
Those who had the spring of youth could recover their former elasticity and re- 
cuperate, whereas the chances were adverse to the seniors. 

Captain [General] Thayer was with others associated in the ownership of the 
township of Lyndon, Vt., a grant in which Hon. Jonathan Arnold, a leading 
physician of Providence, and a represenativc in Congress from Rhode Island, was 
largely interested. March 31, 1781, Capt. T. sold all his right in the said township 
to Dr. Arnold for "nine hundred and seventy continental dollars." The following 
is the inscription upon his grave stone : 

" Here rests the Body of Simeon Thayer, who died Oct. 21, 1800, in the GSd year 
of his age ; Warmly attached to his Country, he early engaged in the war, which 
led to her independence ; a Prisoner on the Plains of Abraham ; wounded in the 
battle of Monmouth, he suffered with cheerfulness for the cause he had embraced: 
nor did his Patriotism transcend his intrepidity. In the defence of Mud Island, he 
became illustrious by the prudence of his measures and the coolness of his courage, 
whicli could only be the offspring of ahead unclouded, when the shades of death 
were gathering around him and a heart unappalled by the vision of his terrors to 
consumate his military fame. He was distinguished by the approbation of Wash- 
ington, who knew that Major Thayer was a soldier indeed in whom there was no 
fear, and as a proof of the esteem of his fellow citizens he was chosen General of 
the Militia as a testimony of filial reverence." 

Note S, Page 21. 
The fate of James Warner, among others, was lamentable. He was young, 
handsome in appearance, and not more than twenty-five years of age. He was 
athletic, and seemed to surpass in bodily strength. His wife was beautiful, though 
unpolished in manners. Nothing was heard of the couple after entering a swamp 
on the march, November 1st, until December, when Mrs. Jemima Warner appeared 
in the camp before Quebec bearing her husband's rifle, powder-horn and pouch. 
It appeared from her story that Warner, unable to proceed, sat down at the foot of 
a tree, determining to die there. His wife remained with him several days, urging 
him, in vain, to proceed. The provisions divided to him at the head of the Chau- 
diere were nearly consumed, and having exhausted her powers of persuasion to 
advance, without effect, she left with him what bread remained an d a canteen of 
water, and as necessary to preserve her own life, pushed on for the American 
camp. Warner probably did not long survive. Thus perished an unfortunate 
man, at an age when the bodily powers are generally in their full perfection. On 
reaching the habitations of the Canadians, Mrs. Warner was kindly entertained, 
and appeared in camp fresh and rosy as ever. This incident is but one of many 
that occuired that illustrates the dangers and sufferings of the wilderness march.— 
Henry. 



APPENDIX. 

CAPTAm SAMUEL WARD. Note T, Page 85. 
Captain Ward's commission was issued by the Colonial Conoress, and was 
signed by John Hancoclc, President. The following is a literal copy of the original 
still preserved among family papers : 

In congress. 

The Delegat es of the United Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay 
ItJiode- Island, Connecticut, \ New-York, New-Jersey , Pennsylvania, the Counties of 
Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, Mary-land, Virginia, North Carolina, 
and South Carolina, to Samuel Ward, Junior, Esquire. 

WE reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, con- 
duct and fidelity, DO by I these presents constitute and appoint you to be 
Captain of a Company, in the 12th Kegi- | ment, commanded by Col. Varnum, | in 
the army of the United Colonies, raised for the defence of American Liberty, and 
for repelling every | hostile invasion thereof. You are therefore carefully and 
diligently to discharge the duty of Captain \ by doing and performing all manner of 
things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly | charge and require all ofllcers and 
soldiers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, as | Captain. And 
you are to observe, and follow such orders and directions from | time to time as you 
shall receive from this or a future Congress of the United Colonies, or Committee 
of I Congress, for that purpose appointed, or Commander in Chief for the time 
being of the Array of the United | Colonies, or any other your superior officer, 
according to the rules and discipline of war, in pursuance of the | trust reposed in 
you. 

This Commission to continue in force until revoked by this or a future Congress. 

July 1st, 1775. By Order of the Congress, 

JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
Attest, Chas. Thomson, Secy. 

The Superscription, 

Samuel Wakd, Jr., Capt. 

At Cambridge, Capt. Ward received marked attention from General Washington. 
It is said he was the first officer of his grade there invited to dine with the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. In a letter from the General to Governor Samuel Ward, dated 
at Cambridge, August, 1775, he says : " I did not know till yesterday that you had 
a son in the army ; to-day I had the pleasure of his company at dinner together 
with General Greene ; Colonels Varnum and Hitchcock had already done me that 
favor. I think if occasion should off"er, I shall be able to give you a good account 
of your son, as he seems a sensible well informed young man." 

In October, 1775, Governor Cooke, accompanied by Hon. Henry Ward, Secretary 
of State of Rhode Island, went to Cambridge to meet a Committee of Congress, 
to talk over and arrange matters requisite for the benefit of the army. This com- 
mittee, consisting of Dr. Franklin, Colonel Harris and Mr. L3mch, arrived Oct. 15. 
Concerning these gentlemen General Nathanael Greene writes as follows : " I had the 
honor to be introduced to that very great man, Dr. Franklin, whom I viewed with 
silent admiration during the whole evening. 'Attention watched his lips, and con- 
viction closed his periods.' Colonel Harris is a very facetious, good humored, 
sensible, spirited gentleman; he appears to be calculated for military employment. 
Mr. Lynch was much fatigued, and said but little, but appeared sensible in his 
inquiries and observations."* 

* Johnson's Life of Gen. Greene, 1822, quarto, vol. i, p. 39, 



APPENDIX. 

The following letter to Captain Ward, was written from Cambridge by his uncle, 
the Secretary. It came to light after the preceding pages had passed through the 
press, and is an exact copy of tlie original. 

Cambridge, October 15th, 1775. 
Dear Nephew, 

I last Night rec'd Letters from your Father who is well. I left Providence on 
Thursday & there saw Mr. Davids who was at your Father's House on Tuesday 
last. Tlie Family with your Aunts (who have moved into your Father's House) 
were all well. Your Father informs me that the Congress have received such 
auiheniic Intelligence from G. Britain as convinces them that the Ministry are 
determined to make a vigorous Push for the Conquest of the Colonies, and the 
Congress are consequently determined upon the most resolute Measures. 

The Army here is in high Health and Spirits. And nothing is wanted to enable 
them to diive the Enemy out of Boston but a sufficient Quantity of Powder. By 
the best Accounts I can collect, 3000 Men may be expected at Boston very soon ; 
which is all the Force that will probably come this Fall. Should it please God to 
crown the Expedition you are upon with Success, I need not press you to use your 
Endeavours that the Aimy may behave with such Prudence as to conciliate the 
Affections of the Canadians. This is all the Paper I have which I will use in pray- 
ing God to bless you, and assuring you that I am, 

your affec'e Uncle, 

HENRY WAED. 

Capt. Ward. 

The superscription to the above letter is as follows : 
To 
Capt. Samuel Ward, 

In Col. Arnold's Army, 

Quebec. 
Favoured by Mr. Price. 

The day subsequent to the date of the above letter, (Oct. 16) General Greene 
wrote from Prospect Hill, to Governor Ward: " I had the pleasure to hear from 
ycnr son Samuel, the 26th of September. He was at Fort Weston, just going to 
set off on his journey. All in health and good spirits. I had the same appre- 
hensions with regard to Samuel's health and stienjith to endure the fatigues of 
such a campaign as you had. I advised him to decline it ; but the heat of youth 
and the thirst of glory surmounted every obstacle, and rendered reasoning vain 
and persuasion fruitless. Colonel Christopher Greene is gone with him. His 
going made me the more readily consent to your son's going. I gave the Colonel 
a par icular charge to lend him a helping hand in every case of difficulty, and he 
promised that his aid should never be wanting. By several letters from Quebec, 
things wear a promising appearance there. If the expedition succeeds, and we get 
possession of Canada, we shall effectually shut the back door against them, and I 
make no doubt of keeping them from entering at the front. You may depend 
npon my influence to obtain Charles a commission in the new establishment."* 

* Johnson''s Life of Gen. Greene, 1822, quarto, vol. !., p. 39. 



APPENDIX. 

THE WARD FAMILY —Note U. 
The name of "Ward or Warde, is of Norman origin, and found on the ancient 
Roll of Battle Abbey, England, as given by Duchesne, Hollinshed and Lelancl. 
AR3IS, as borne by the Family in America, and originally brought over from 
England.* Azure, a cross patonce or. Crest. A Wolf's head erased, proper, 
laugued and dentated gules. Motto. Sub cruce salus. 

John" Ward, (1) who had been an officer in one of Cromwell's cavahy regiments, 
came to America, from Gloucester, England, after the accession of King Charles 
the II. He settled at Newport, R I., where he d. in April, 1698, aged 79. His son 

Thomas, (2) who preceded his father to America, married 1. Mary ?, by 

whom he had daughters, Mary, who m. Sion Arnold, son of Gov. Benedict Ar- 
nold, of Newport, R. I., and Margaret, who m. Capt. Robert Writington; m. 2. 
Amy Smith, (grand-daughter of Roger Williams,) and died September 25th, 1659, 
aged 48. He settled at Newport, about 1G60, and Backus (History Baptists i, 
616,) says 'that he was a Baptist before he came out of Cromwell's army, and a 
very useful man in the Colony of Rhode Island.' His widow (Amy) afterwards 
married Arnold Collins, and their son Henry Collins, (called by the late Dr. 
Benjamin Waterhouse, "the Lorenzo de Medicis of Rhode Island,") born March 
25, 1699, died at Newport, R. I., about 1770. His eldest son Thomas, died De- 
cember 22, 1695, in his 13th year. His second son 

(Hon.) Richard, (3) born April 15th, 1689, married Mary, (daughter of John) Til- 
linghast, November 2, 1709; was many years Secretary, and afterwards Governor 
of the State in 174I--3, was present at the siege of Louisburg, 1758, and died Aug- 
ust 21, 1763; his wife Mary, died October 19, 1767, in her 78th year. Children: 
Amy, born September 4th, and died Oct. 22, 1710; Thomas, b. October 21th, 1711, 
was for many years Secretary of the State, which office he held at the time of his 
death December 21, 1760, (for issue see Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii, 310); Mary, b. 
December 10, 1713, m. Ebenezer Flagg, d. May 21, 1781; Elizabeth, b. Feb. 19, 
1715, d. Aug. 27, 1717; Amy, b. July 21st, 1717, m. Samuel Vernon, of Newport, 
R. I. and d. January 17, 1792; Isabel, b. Sept. 19, 1719, ra. Huxford Marchant, 
and d. February 5, 1808; Hannah, b. Sept. 24, 1721, d. Dec. 27, 1783, unmarried; 
John, b. Aug. 4, 1723, d. Augu^st 15, 1724; Samuel, (4) b. May 27, 1725 ; Mercy, 
b. June 3, 1727, d. Oct. 25, 1730; Margaret, b. April 14, 1729, m. Col. Samuel 
Freebody, of Newport, R. I., January, 1765, d. June 27, 1765; Richard, b Jan. 22, 
1730, d. Aug. 7, 1732; Henry, b. Dec. 27, 1732, m. Esther, (dau. Thomas) Freebo- 
dy, of Newport, succeeded his brother Thomas as Secretary of State, which of- 
fice he held, by successive annual re-elections until his death, November 25, 
1797, at Providence, R. I., leaving one daughter Elizabeth, who m. Dr. Pardon 
Bowen, of that city; Elizabeth b. June 6, 1735, m. Rev. William Bliss, of New- 
port, and d. in 1815, without issue. 
(Gov.) Samuel, (4) m. Anne (daughter of Simon) Ray, of Block Island, also a 
hneal descendant of Roger Williams, December 20, 1745. He died of small pox 
at Philadelphia, Penn., March 26, 1776. His tombstone at Newport, was erect- 
ed by the State of Rhode Island. (For other particulars see note, p. 8-3j His 
wife d. at Westerly, R. I., December 3, 1770, in the 43d year of her age. Children: 
Charles, b. 1747, was an officer in the Revolutionary Army, d. unmarried; Han- 
nah, b. 1749, d. unmarried 1774; Anna, b. 1750, m. Ethan Clarke, and d. 1790; 
Catherine, b. October 2, 1752, m. Christopher Greene, (brother of Gtn. Nathan- 
ael Greene) and left two daughters, and d. 1781 ; Mary, b. December 5, 1754, d. 

*The Arms and Crest are still to be seen engraved on the monument of Gov. Richard Ward in 
Newport, K. I. 



APPENDIX. 



3832, unmarried; Samuel, (5) born November 17, 1756; Simon Ray, born Octo- 
ber 4, 1760, was Lieutenant in Revolutionary Navy, m. Sarah Gardner, and died 
of yellow fever in West Indies, about 1790, leaving two daughters; Deborah, b. 
October 12, 1758, became the second wife of Christopher Greene, who had mar- 
ried her sister Catherine, and d. in 1835, at Potowomut, R. I. ; John, born July 26, 
1762, m. Elizabeth (daughter of Dr. Ephraim) Bowen, of Providence, and died 
at Brooklyn, N. Y., September, 1823, without issue; Richard, b. 1764, ra. Eliza 
(daughter of Joseph) Brown, of Providence, where he died October, 1808, with- 
out issue; Elizabeth, born 1766, died at Warwick, R. I., 1783, unmarried. 
(Col.) Samuel, (5) married March 20, 1778, to Phebe, daughter of Governor Wil- 
liam and Catherine Ray Greene, of Rhode Island, the latter a daughter of Simon 
Ray, and noted as the witty correspondent of Benjamin Franklin. For full ac- 
count of Col. Samuel, see ante pp. 83—90, &c. He died in New York City Aug- 
ust 16, 1832. t His wife born March 20, 1760, at Warwick, R. I., died October 11, 
1828. Children: 

William Greene, born April 1, 1779, at Warwick, R. I., died August 17, 1798, in 
New York, of yellow fever; Samuel, born January 23, 1781, died November 13, 
1785; Henry, born September, 1782, died December 3, 1783; Henry, (6) born 
March 17, 1784; Samuel, (7) born May 1, 178G; Anne Catherine, born August 
19, 1788, died Sept. 14, 1837, unmarried; Phebe, born July 17, 1791, at Provi- 
dence, R. I., died at Jamaica, L. I., April 22, 1825; Richard Rat, (8) born in 
New York, Nov. 17, 1795; John, born October 26, 1797, died March 31, 1866, in 
New York City. See biographical notice page 89; William G-rebne, (9) born 
August 7, 1802. 
Henry, (6) m. September 2, 1818, to Eliza Hall, daughter of Dr. Jonathan Hall, of 
Pomfret, Conn., and Bathslieba Mumford, of Newport, R. I., and grand-daugh- 
ter of David Hall, D. D., of Sutton, Mass., and Elizabeth Preseott, of Concord, 
Mass., the latter a great grand -daughter of Rev. Peter Bulkley, famous in Cotton 
Mather's Magnalia. Mr. Henry Ward had a great talent for music. He was a 
member of the Society of Cincinnati in New York. See Note p. 88. He died in 
New York City, July 26, 1838. Only Son : Henry Hall, born in the City 
of New York, senior partner of Messrs. Ward & Company, Bankers, at 54, 
Wall Street, New York; President of the New York Club; Treasurer of the New 
York State Society of Cincinnati; and senior Director of the National Fire Insu- 
rance Company of New York. 
Samuel, (7) m. Julia Rush, daughter of Benjamin Cutler, of Jamaica Plains, Mhss. 
(sister of the late Rev. Dr. Benjamin C. Cutler, of St. Ann's Church, Brooklyu, 
N. Y.,and relative of Gen. Francis Marlon, of Revolutionary fame,) in October, 
1812. He had a fine gallery of Paintings in his residence corner of Bond street 
and Broadway, New York, (see ante pages 88 and 89,; also Memoir of Samuel 
Ward, by the late Charles King, in Eev. Dr. Griswold's Biographical Annual 
of 1811,) and died November 27, 1839. His wife died November 11, 1824. 
Children: *Samuel, formerly a banker, lately a diplomatist and poet; Henry, jr. 
d. in New York, 1810, aged 22; Julia, died in infancy; Julia (wife of Dr. Samuel 
G.) Howe, now of Boston, Mass., and the talented authoress of "Pass-ion Flow- 
ers," "Battle Hymn of the Republic," etc. ; Francis Marion, a merchant, died 
in New Orleans, Sept. 1847, aoed27; Louisa W., m. I. Thomas Crawford, the 
celebrated Sculptor; m. 2. Luther Terry, artist, of Rome, Italy; AnneW., (wife of 
Adolph) Mailliard, of Bordentown, N. J. 
Richard Ray, (8) m. November 3, 1835, Gertrude Eliza (dau. of Edward) Dough- 
ty, of New York. She died May 21, 1859. He is a lawyer in New York. (See page 
89.) Children: Gertrude Ray and Annie Carrena. 

tin Col. Trumbull's painting of the Death of Montgomery at Quebec, the middle soldier of the 
three grouped in the left foreground, was Capt. Ward. The artist painted the picture in Eu- 
rope, without having a portrait of Capt. W., the latter being at the time in America. 



APPENDIX. 

William Grken^e, (9) m. Abby Maria (dau. of Dr. Jonathan) Hall, of Pomfret, 
Conn,, (and sister of the eminent lawyers David P. Hall, and the late Jonathan 
Prescott Hall,) November 17, 1830. He died in New York, July 22, 1848. (See 
page 89.) He was possessed of unusual business capacity, and noted for his ex- 
cellent judgment of men and affairs. His energy was indomitable. Mrs. Abby 
Maria Ward, above named, was also sister of the late Miss Anne Hall, the artist, 
several of whose Miniatures rival those of Malbone and Isabey. Children: 

* William Greene, banker, and Brig. Genl. First Brigade, First Division Na- 
tional Guard of State, N. Y. (See ante pages 89 and 90.) 

* Charles Henry, banker and amateur artist. 
Anne Catherine, died in her 5th year, April 1840. 
John, died in infancy, January, 1838. 

John, graduated Doctor of Medicine at Union Medical College, is a lawyer, 
and Colonel of 12th Regt. National Guard, State N. Y. 

* Prescott Hall, lawyer, resides at present (October, 1867,) in Europe. 



THE DEFENCE OF MUD ISLAND. Note Y, Page 78. 
"My design by this address is to rescue from seeming inattention, the brilliant 
conduct of Colonel, the late Major, Thayer, in the defence of Mud Island, in the 
river Delaware, from the 12th of November until the 16th of the same month, in 
the year 1777. To a person unacquainted with that transaction, all the glory would 
be ascribed to Col. Smith, of the Maryland line. He is a gentleman of superior 
talents, of fine sentiments, virtuous and brave ! He commanded the garrison on 
Mud Island from the latter part of September, excepting a few days, till the Uth of 
November, when the command devolved upon Lieut. Col. Russell, of the Connecti- 
cut line. The fatigues and dangers of that command were extreme. Col. Smith 
supported them with uncommon patience and fortitude, but yielded to hard neces- 
sity. Lieut. Col. Russell, an amiable, sensible man, and an excellent officer, 
exhausted by fatigue, and totally destitute of health, requested to be recalled. 

* * * Major Thayer presented himself as a volunteer. The offer was 
accepted with inexpressible satisfaction. * * * The subscriber was per- 
sonally knowing to all the facts before related. * * Should any of these 
facts be disputed, he will publish an attested narrative, which will silence envy 
itself." — Letter of Gen. James M. Varnum to Bennet Wheeler, Aug. 2. 1786. 

" On the 11th [November] in the afternoon. Col. Smith received a wound in the 
arm, and left the fort. Lieut. Col. Russell, of Gen. Varnum's brigade succeeded 
him in the command. On the 13th, Major Thayer went over and relieved Col. 
Russell, and the remainder of Col. Smith's men, part having been relieved before, 
with a detachment from Colonels Durkey and Chandler's regiments of Gen. Var- 
num's brigade."— ie«er of Col. Israel Angell, Feb. Uth, 1118. 

"Congress not having learned that the commander of Mud Island had been 
changed, voted that an elegant sword be presented to Col. Greene, of the Red Bank 
Fort, and another to Col. Samuel Smith, the commander of thg Island, for their 
brave conduct in the defence of their several posts. The swords were to be made 
in France, and a year or two elapsed before their arrival and presentation, when 
Col. Smith had the modesty to receive the one which was justly due to Major 
Thayer, and but for the mistake made by Congress in the name of the officer who 
earned it, he would have received it."— Letter of John Howland, late President of 
the Rhode Island Historical Society. 

* Married. 



APPENDIX. 

Note W— Page xviii. Introduction. 
On the 22(1 of November, 1775, in view of impending danr^cr, Sir Guy Caiiton 
issued a proclamation at Quebec, ordering persons refusing to enroll their names in 
the militia lists, or to take up arms for the preservation of the city, to leave the 
place within four days, together with their wives and children, but forbidding their 
carrying away any provisions and stoves belonging to them. This proclamation 
was soon after travestied in verse as follows : 

GOD SAVE THE KING. 

Whereas I'm chas'd from place to place , 

By rebels void of sense and grace ; 

Crown Point, Montreal, Chamblee, 

By Arnold and Montgomery, 

From George and P£ter§ are set free, 

In spite of Indians, D — I and me ! 

In arms, before our oralis, they reckon 

With bombs and shells to fall Quebec on, 

To burn our Saints * and hang our Bishop, 

And spoil all business done at his shop : 

Whereas also (c — se on such Catho- 

Lics as those, they stir my wrath so) 

Some wont, and some who did enlist. 

And carry arms of late desist; 

Of which vile miscreants t thi:: city 

Bided must be, let who will pity. 

Within fo2ir days, or by St. Louis! 

They'l find that what I now say true is ; 

Before they've counted o'er their beads, 

Or paid the Priest, or said their creeds, 

As siiies or rebels up I'll string 'em 

Till to their senses I can bring 'em ; 

Each one wlio wont swear he's a tory, 

I sio — r shall go to Purga-tory, 

There to reform in limbo patrum, 

And those who blame me may go a'ter 'em. 

Let those who go take wives and children. 

And haste forthwith into the wildern- 

Ess 'most savages, God knows, 

They'l find for cheer frost, ice and snows ; 

Leaving behind all their jjrovision, 

Which I long since have had my wish on ; 

And George Also}?, my Commissary 

Shall take thereof true inventory. 
Given at St. Louis Castle, in 

Quebec, the year of Geokge sixteen, 

Of Britain, France and Ireland King, 

{Of Pome) the faith's defender being. 

And so forth— by me Guy Carlton, 

Kenneird J and toothless yet I snarl on. 

Witness Harry T. Crahame, 
My catholic liege Secretary. 

Thus ends our Bull, and ten to one on't 

Some Yankee '11 get it, and make fun on't. 

§ The Pope. * Images, t Unsound in faith. J Alluding to Guy, the common name of a dog 
and his being driven, with his blood hounds, into the wall'd city of Quebec. 



INDEX, 



Adams, Ebenezer, of R. I., 91. 

Arnold, Col. Benedict, ix. x. xiv, xv, 1, 2, 5, 
7. 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16. 17, 18. 19, 20; called 
a council of war, 22. 2"3, 26, 28; wounded, 
29 ; his treachery, 61 ; notice of, ix ; letter to 
Gen. VVooster, xxiii 

Ammeguntic Lake reached, 12. 

Allen, Col. Ethan, viii. 

Allen, Capt., of Conn., viii. 

Angell. Colonel Israel, 79. 

Andrews, Lieut. Amos, taken prisoner, 31. 

Ashton, Joseph, chosen leader for au escape, 
33, 93. 

Batteaux filled and overset, 9. 

Balch, Kathauiel, hatter, 78. 

Beverly. 2. 

Berry, Mr., 12. 

Bedel, Colonel, viii. 

Bigelow, Major Timothy, xii, 8, 12, 28; taken 

prisoner, 31 ; sketch of, 50. 
Born, Lieut.. 37. 
Boyd, Thomas, xii, 92. 

BroAvn, Major John. vi. vii, 24; sketch of, 51. 
Brown, Lieut. Samuel, 23; taken prisoner, 31. 
Bullen,Dr.,32. 
Burr, Aaron, a volunteer, xiii. 

Canada. Invasion of, vii— xxiv. 

Carleton, Gen., xiv, 21, 22, 81, 35, 38, 39, 42, 
43; humane character, 44, 91 

Carleton, Major, 36. 

Campbell Colonel, in command, 29. 

Caldwell. Major, 19, 20, 23, 36, 37. 

Canaan, 4. 

Carver, Capt. Jonathan, 71. 

Chaudiere river reached, xii, 12. 

Chatham's, Lord, son, x. 

Champlain, Capt. Samuel de, viii. 

Cheeseman, Capt., killed, 29. 

Chatlin, (Catlin) Quartermaster, taken pris- 
oner, 81. 

Church, Colonel Thomas, 80. 

Church, , Lieut., 6. 

Clarkson, Capt., 48. 

Clifton, James, xii. 

Clark, Lieut. John, taken prisoner, 31. 

Clinton, Colonel, xx. 

Colbourn, Capt., 93. 

Copelin, Capt., 3, 4, 10. 

Commissioners to Canada, xix. 

Compo Hill, battle of, 61. 

Compston, Lieut., taken prisoner, 31. 

Council of War, xi, xii. 

Crone, Sergt. Henry, 93. 

Cunningham, Robert, 93. 

Dearborn, Capt. Henry, 1, 15, 28, 29 ; taken 
prisoner, 31, 37; exchanged, 43; sketch of, 
51. 

Dewey, Quartermaster, 32. 

Dead River, 7. 

Devil's Falls, 5. 

Deming, Colonel, of Fairfield, 61. 



Dixon, Sergeant, killed, 20i 

Douglass. Capt., 35. 

Donop, Count, surrenders to Major Tnayer, 

75. 
Duncan, volunteer, taken prisoner. 31, 93. 
Drunken sailor, fire of, 29. 
Duffgen. Capt., 25. 
Durfee, Benjamin, of R. I., 91. 

Enos, Roger. Lt. Col,, xii, 1, 8, 10, 11, 22 ; no- 
tice of, 91. 
Expedition, officers of the, ix. 

Farrington, Abel 49. 

Farriugton, Capt. Thomas, 49. 

First white child born in Norridgewock, 49. 

Francis, Dr. John W., 8S. 

Frost, James, of R. I., 18. 

Fort Western. 3. 

Fort Halifax, arrived at, 4; built by Gen. 

Shirley, 49. 
Foster. Capt., 38. 
Foy, Capt., 44, 45. 
Fry, Colonel, 71. 

Gatchel, Nehemiah, a guide, 12. 

Goodrich, Capt.. 1, 23.28; taken prisoner, 31. 

Gibson, Dr. Thomas, 93. 

Gisdale, [Tisdale] Lieut. James, taken pris- 
oner, 31. 93. 

Gilley. John, died at 124 years, 49. 

Greene, General Nathanael, 78. 

Greene, Christopher, Col., ix, xii, 1, 2, 9, 12 
16, 17, 18, 27, 23. 29; taken prisoner, 31 
sketch of, 52; receives Count Donop, 75 
Council of war held, xi, xii, 10; at Rocky 
Hill 78. 

Greene, Surgeon's Mate, ix. 

Greer, Mrs., a soldier's wife. 21, 22. 

Hall, John, betrays the plot to escape, 33. 

Hambiedon, Capt., 37. 

Hanchet, Capt Oliver, 1, 18, 23, 25; taken 
prisoner, 31, 35; notice of, 82. 

Hart, Olney, 21. 

Haskell. Caleb, 91. 

Hendricks, Capt William, 1, 2, 24, 26, 28, 29; 
sketch of, 59. 

Henry, John Joseph, 15; sketch of, 58 

Heath, [Heth] Lieut. William, taken pris- 
oner, 31, 92. 

Howard, Esq., James, 49. 

Home, John, a guide, 12. 

Hubbard Capt. Jonas, xv, 1, 28; wounded 
and died, 81; sketch of. 57. 

Humphrey, Lieut. William, taken prisoner, 
31, 90. 

Hum.phreys, Lieut. John, killed, xv, 29. 

Hutchins, Lieut. Kathaniel, taken prisoner, 
31. 

Hunter, sloop of war, 37. 

Ilyde, Adjutant, returns, xii. 



Indians, address to, xii. 



104 



INDEX. 



O'*^ 



Innis, George, drowned, 14. 
lunoculation, 32. 
Irviu, Ensign, sent back sick, xii. 
Isis, man-of-war, 37. 

Knox, Col. Henry, 48, 61; his opinion of Ma- 
jor Thayer's defence, 77. 

Lamb, Capt. Jacob, 28; wounded, 29; taken 
prisoner, 31, 32 ; sketch of, 60., 

Lafayette, Marquis de, 78. 

Laveris, Mr. 37. 

LeMatre, Major, 35. 

List of officers taken Dec. 31, 1775, 40, 41 

List of the killed, wounded, taken prisoners, 
and " listed in the King's service " at Que- 
bec, 98. 97. 

Livingston, Colonel, viii ; notice of 90. 

Lockwood, Capt. Samuel, taken prisoner, 31, 
32, 34, 35; notice of, 9G. 

Lawton, Joseph, 45. 

Maiden, 2 

March to Newburyport, 2. 

Massacre at Fort VVilliam Henry, 71—75. 

Megnatic lake, 21. 

Meigs, Return J., Major, xv., 8, 17. 28; taken 

prisoner, 31, 32, 37 ; exchanged, 43 ; sketch 

of, 63. 
Mistake of historians corrected, 62, 101. 
McFariin, William, 42. 
Mahon, Dr., 37. 
McCormick, James, 3, 48. 
McDougal, Lieut., taken prisoner. 31, 35, 36. 

McGuire, .taken prisoner, 31. 

McDougal, Capt., 38. 

Merchant, George, xii, 92. 

McLane, Col., 34,33, 96. 

McCormick, John kills a fellow-soldier, 3. 

McCobb, , Capt., xii, 1 10. 

Montgomery, Gen., x. 21, 22, 23, 24, 26; 

killed . 29 ; notice of his death, xxiii ; sketch 

of, 62 
Morgan, Capt. Daniel, xv, 1. 9, 14, 19, 23, 24, 

28, 29; taken i)risoner, 31, 47: embarks with 

his men in batteaux,49; notice of, 63. 
McKenzie, Major, 35. 
McKenzie, Mr., taken prisoner, 18. 
McPherson, Capt., killed, 29. 
IMuster roll of Capt.Thayer's company, 94, 95. 
Murray, Mr , 44, 45. 
Munroe, Mr., 37. 

Natanis, his brother Sabatis and other In- 
dians join the Expedition, 16; daughter of 
Sabatis, 50. 

Nebegry, [Febigir] Christian, Adjutant, 
taken prisoner, 31; notice of, 90. 

Nichols, Lieut Francis, taken prisoner, 31. 

Nichols, Samuel, drowned, 13. 

Nowell, Capt. Moses, 48. 

Norridgewock, 5. 

O'Brien, Bruen, Lieut, Feter, taken prisoner, 

31. 
Officers killed and scalped, 42. 
Ogden, Major Matthias, xiii, 10, 11, 24. 
Oswald, Capt. Eleazer, taken prisoner, 31; 

notice of, 63. 

Tease, Simeon, of R. I., 18. 
I'ens and ink, deprived of, 32. 
Petition of officers, .39. 
Petition of privates, 39. 
Petersham, Lord, visit from, 3G. 
Pitcher Mary, gallant conduct of, 77. 
Porterlield, Charles, jr., taken prisoner, 31; 
notice of, 92. 



Point-aux-Tremblos, arrived at, 22, 

Quebec, founding of, viii ; assault upon, xviii ; 
besieged, xx. 

Randall, Lieut , 36. 

Ralle, Father Sebastian, 50. 

Roman Chapel, 5. 

Russell, Lieut. Colonel, at Fort Mifflin, 76. 

Rum high price of, 17. 

Sailed for Kennebec, 2. 
Savage, Lieut. Abijah, taken prisoner, 31. 
Sartigan, incident at, xii, 8; good fare at, 17. 
Senior, Dr. Isaac, x; at St. Joseph's, xiii; 

Journal of, 25, 26; sketch of, 65. 
Severe weather, xvii. 
Seven Islands, 6. 
Schuyler, Gen., marches to invade Canada, 

viii. 
Scott, General, at Monmouth, 77. 

Scott, , Capt., xii, 1, 2, 10. 

Shaw, Lieut. Sylvanus, taken prisoner, 31: 

killed, 90. 
Sick sent back, 9. 

Signals for sailing. Appendix, 47, 48. 
Simpson, Mr., of Norwalk, 61. 
Simp.5on, Michael, 92. 
S locum, Lieut. Edward, taken prisoner, 31, 

90. 
Smith, Colonel Samuel, 75; receives a sword 

from Congress, 78. 
Smith, Capt. Matthew, 1 25, 26, 28; notice of, 

65. 
Smith, Enos, of Killingly, Ct., 79. 
Smith, Margaret, 72. 
Small pox in the army, xxi. 
Stark, General. John, 78. 
Steele, Lieut. Archibald, taken prisoner, 31. 
tiorel, town of, xx. 

Spring, Rev. Samuel, 26; sketch of, 65. 
Squhegan Falls, 4. 

Sutferings of the party, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. 
Sullivan, Gen., xxi, 48. 
Sylla, Colonel, at Monmouth, 77. 

Thayer, Capt. Simeon, x, xii, 1, 11; taken 
prisoner, 28; reflections, 30, 31; sails for 
home, 45; his journal, 47, 48; sketch of, 
72—80; his children, 79; his parole, 80. 

Thomas, Gen. John, xix, xx, xxi; sketch of, 
80. 

Thomas, Lieut., taken prisoner, 31. 

Thompson, Gen., taken prisoner, 42; to go 
home, 44 

Topham, Capt. John, x, xii. 1, 2, 3, 10, 13, 
14, 15,17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28; taken 
prisoner, 31 ; sketch of. 80. 

Transports arrive from Halifax, 36. 

Troops cross the St. Lawrence, 19. 

Trumbull, Col., xiii. 

Ward, Capt. Samuel, xiii, 1, 28; taken pris- 
oner. 31; sketch of, 83—90. 

Ward family, 84-89. 

Ware, Joseph, journal of, v, 13. 

Warner, Col. Seth, viii, xix. 

Warner, Mrs., a soldier's wife. 21. 

Washington, Gen., x, 13, 41, 48, 76; letter to 
Arnold, xxiii. 

Webb, Lt. James, 19; taken prisoner, 31; 
notice of, 82. 

Williams, , Capt. xii, 1, 8, 10; turned 

back, 10. 

Vforks relating to the invasion of Canada, 
iv— vi. 

Wool, Lieut. Isaiah, 39, 



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